3
5000 Years of World System History:
The Cumulation of Accumulation
Barry K. Gills and Andre Gunder Frank
INTRODUCTORY
SUMMARY
We
argue that the main features of the
economic
and interstate world system already
analyzed
by Wallerstein (l974) and Modelski
(l987)
for the "modern" world system, and for
earlier
ones by Chase-Dunn (l986, l989) and
others,
and in this book by Chase-Dunn and
Hall
(Chapter 1) and Wilkinson (Chapter 4 and
also
1987) also characterize the development
of this
same world system in medieval and
ancient
times, indeed for at least the past
five
millennia. These features are 1) the
historical
continuity and development of a
single
world economy and inter-polity system;
2)
capital accumulation, technological
progress,
and ecological
adaptation/degradation
as the principal motor
forces
in the world system; 3) the
hierarchical
center-periphery political
economic
structure of the world system; 4)
alternate
periods of political economic
hegemony
and rivalry (and war) in the world
system;
5) and long political economic cycles
of
growth/accumulation, center/periphery
positions,
hegemony/rivalry, etc. Our study
of the
unequal structure and uneven dynamic of
this
world system is based, like a three
legged
stool, on economic, political, and
cultural
analysis.
This essay covers the following topics and
advances
the following theses, beginning with
the
most concrete historical ones and going on
to
progressively more abstract theoretical
ones.
I.
WORLD SYSTEM ORIGINS
1. The origins of our present world system
(WS)
can and should be traced
back at
least
5000 years to the relations between
Mesopotamia
and Egypt.
2. The ecological basis of the WS accounts
for its
origins and much of its
subsequent
historical
development.
3. Economic connections among various parts
of the
WS began much earlier and have
been
much
more prevalent and significant than is
often realized.
4. World system extension grew to include
most of
the Asio-Afro- European
ecumenical
("Eastern"
hemisphere) landmass and its
outlying islands by 600 BC and incorporated
much of
the "Western" "New World" by 1500 AD,
although
there is increasing evidence of
earlier
contacts between them.
II. WORLD SYSTEM ROUTES AND NEXUSES
1. Maritime routes furthered economic and
other
connections among many parts of
the WS
and
contributed to its expansion in important
ways.
2. The Silk Roads, over both land and
maritime
routes, formed a sort of spinal
column
and rib cage of the body of this WS for
over
2000 years. 3. Central Asia has been
a much
neglected focal point of WS history
both as a logistic nexus among its
regions
to the East, South and West and
through
the recurrent pulse of its own waves
of
migration and invasion into
these
regions.
4. The Three Corridors and Logistic Nexuses
in what
is now called the "Middle
East,"
"Inner
Asia," and some sea straits have always
played especially significant bottle-neck
choke-point
roles in the development of
the
WS.
III. INFRASTRUCTURAL INVESTMENT, TECHNOLOGY
AND
ECOLOGY
1. Infrastructural investment accompanied
and
supported most parts of the WS
from its
beginning
and throughout its historical
development.
2. Technological innovation also played a
similar
and related role throughout
the
historical
development of the WS and mediated
in
the competitive economic and
military
conflicts
among its parts.
3. Ecology, however, always and still
exercises
an essential influence and
constraint
on this WS development.
IV. SURPLUS TRANSFER AND ACCUMULATION
RELATIONS
1. Surplus transfer and interpenetrating
accumulation
among parts of the WS are its
essential
defining characteristics. This
transfer
means that no part of the WS
would
be as
it was and is without its relations with
other parts and the whole.
2. Center-Periphery-Hinterland (CPH)
complexes
and hierarchies among
different
peoples,
regions and classes have always been
an
important part of WS
structure. However,
the
occupancy of musical chair places within
this structure has frequently changed and
contributed
to the dynamics of WS
historical
development.
3. "Barbarian" nomad - sedentary
"civilization"
relations have long been
and
continue to be especially significant and
neglected
aspects of CPH structure and
WS
development.
V.
POLITICAL ECONOMIC MODES OF ACCUMULATION
1. Modes of accumulation, more than modes of
production,
are the essential
institutional
forms and variations of WS
historical
development; but they are not only
localized
or regional.
2. Transitions in modes of accumulation are
not
unidirectional in WS history
and
development.
3. Public/private accumulation are both
collaborative
and conflicting
institutional
forms and mixes of investment
and
accumulation.
4. Economy/polity contradictions
characterize
the WS throughout its
history
in that economic organization is much
wider
and WS wide, while political
state
and
even imperial organization is much more
local
and regional.
VI. HEGEMONY AND SUPER-HEGEMONY
1. Hegemony is the political and economic
(and
sometimes also cultural)
domination
of
peoples and regions in parts of the WS,
which
is based on the centralization of
accumulation
in the same.
2. Cycles of accumulation and hegemony are
causally
interrelated and characterize
the
development
of the WS throughout its history.
3. Super-hegemony is the extension of
hegemony
or the hierarchical ordering of
primus
inter pares hegemonies to centralize
accumulation
on a WS level.
Super-hegemony
has been acknowledged for part
of the
19th and 20th centuries, but may
already
have occurred earlier as well.
4. Cumulation of Accumulation is the
culminating
synthesis of the ecological,
economic,
technological, political, social,
and
cultural structures and processes
in WS
history.
VII. A HISTORICAL MATERIALIST POLITICAL
ECONOMY
AND RESEARCH AGENDA
1. Historical materialist political economic
summary
conclusions are drawn from the
foregoing
arguments.
2. Political, economic and cultural three
legged
stools characterize the WS
through the
interrelations
and mutual support of all three
aspects
of social history. Therefore, any
historical
materialist political economy of
the WS must incorporate all three.
3. Analytic and research agendas on the
structure
and dynamics of WS history over
5000 or
more years must search for more system
wide characteristics, changes, perhaps
even
cycles, and development.
I.
WORLD SYSTEM ORIGINS
1. The
Origins
The
designation in time of the origin of the
world
system depends very much on what concept
of
system is employed. We may illustrate
this
problem
by analogy with the origins of a major
river
system. For instance, look at the
Missouri-Mississippi
river system. In one
sense,
each major branch has its own origin.
Yet the
Mississippi River can be said to have
a later
derivative origin where the two major
branches
join together, near St. Louis,
Missouri. By convention, the river is called
"The
Mississippi" and it is said to originate
in
Minnesota. Yet the larger and longer
branch
is called "the Missouri," which
originates
in the Rocky Mountains in Montana.
Of
course, all of these also have other larger
and
smaller inflows, each with their own
point(s)
of origin. The problem is how to set
a fixed
point of origin when in fact no such
single
point of origin exists for the river
system
as a whole. In the case of the world
system
it would be possible to place its
origins
far up stream in the Neolithic period.
However,
it may be more appropriate to discuss
the
origins further down stream, where major
branches
converge.
By the river system analogy, we may
identify
the separate origins of Sumer, Egypt,
and the
Indus as sometime in the fourth to the
third
millenniums BC. The world system begins
with
their later confluence. David Wilkinson
(1989)
dates the birth of "Central
Civilization,"
through the political -
conflictual
confluence of Mesopotamia and
Egypt
into one over-arching states system, at
around
1500 BC. Wilkinson's work is of very
great
value to the analysis of world system
history. Essentially, the confluence of
"Mesopotamia"
and "Egypt" gave birth to the
world
system. However, by the criteria of
defining
systemic relations, spelled out
below,
the confluence occurs considerably
earlier
than 1500 BC. By economic criteria of
"inter-penetrating
accumulation," the
confluence
included the Indus valley and the
area of
Syria and the Levant. Thus, the
confluence
occurred sometime in the early or
mid
third millennium BC, that is by about
2700-2400
BC.
2. The
Ecological Basis
Historical
materialist political economy
begins
with the recognition that "getting a
living"
is the ultimate basis of human social
organization. The ultimate basis of "getting
a
living" is ecological however. The
invention
of agriculture made possible the
production
of a substantial surplus. Gordon
Childe
(1951) made famous the term "Neolithic
Revolution"
to describe the profound effects
on
human social organization brought about by
the
production of an agricultural surplus.
The
subsequent "Urban Revolution" and the
states
that developed on this basis
contributed
to the formation of our world
system.
From the outset, this social organization
had an
economic imperative based on a new type
of
relationship with the environment. The
alluvial
plains of Egypt, Mesopotamia and
Indus
are similar in that their rich water
supply
and fertile soil makes possible the
production
of a large agricultural surplus
when
the factors of production are properly
organized. However, all three areas were
deficient
in many natural resources, such as
timber,
stone, and certain metals. Therefore,
they
had an ecologically founded economic
imperative
to acquire certain natural
resources
from outside their own ecological
niches
in order to "complete" their own
production
cycles. Urban civilization and the
state
required the maintenance of a complex
division
of labor, a political apparatus, and
a much
larger trade or economic nexus than
that under
the direct control of the state.
Thus,
the ecological origins of the world
system
point to the inherent instability of
the
urban civilizations and the states from
which
it emerged. This instability was both
ecological
- economic and strategic.
Moreover,
the two were intertwined from the
beginning.
Economic and strategic instability and
insecurity
led to efforts to provide for the
perpetual
acquisition of all necessary natural
resources,
even if the required long distance
trade
routes were outside the direct political
control
of the state. This was only possible
through
manipulated trade and through the
assertion
of direct political controls over
the
areas of supply. The internal
demographic
stability,
and/or demographic expansion, of
the
first urban centers depended upon such
secure
acquisition of natural resources.
However, in a field of action in which many
centers
are expanding simultaneously, there
must
come a point when their spheres of
influence
become contiguous, and then overlap.
As the
economic nexus of the first urban
civilizations
and states expanded and
deepened,
competition and conflict over
control
of strategic sources of materials and
over
the routes by which they were acquired
tended
to intensify. For example, control
over
certain metals was crucial to attaining
technological
and military superiority vis a
vis
contemporary rivals. Failure to emulate
the
most advanced technology constituted, then
as now,
a strategic default.
The ultimate rationale for the origins of
the
world system were thus embedded in the
economic
imperative of the urban based states.
A
larger and larger economic nexus was built
up. Specialization within the complex
division
of labor deepened, while the entire
nexus
expanded territorially "outward." In the
process,
more and more ecological niches were
assimilated
into one interdependent economic
system. Thereby, the world system destroyed
and
assimilated self-reliant cultures in its
wake.
By the third millennium BC, the
Asio-Afro-European
economic nexus, upon which
the
world system was based, was already well
established. Thereafter, the constant shifts
in
position among metropoles in the world
system
cannot be properly understood without
analysis
of the ecological and technological
factors
"compelling" certain lines of action.
The
rise and decline of urban centers and
states
can be made more understandable by
placing
them within the world systemic
context. This also involves paying attention
to
their role in the economic nexus,
particularly
with regard to the sources and
supply
of key commodities and natural
resources. The logic of the political
structure
of the world system is one in which
the
security of the member states, and their
ability
to accumulate surplus, is perpetually
vulnerable
to disruption. This situation
created
a dynamic of perpetual rivalry. Thus,
attempts
are made to extend political control
over
strategic areas of supply in the overall
economic
nexus.
3.
Economic Connections
New
historical evidence suggests that economic
connections
through trade and migration, as
well as
through pillage and conquest, have
been much more prevalent and much
wider in
scope
than was previously recognized. They
have
also gone much farther back through world
history
than is generally admitted. By the
same
token, manufacturing, transport,
commercial
and other service activities are
also
older and more widespread than often
suggested. The long history and systemic
nature
of these economic connections have not
received
nearly as much attention as they
merit
(Adams 1943). Even more neglected have
been
these trade connections' far reaching
importance
in the social, political, and
cultural
life of "societies" and their
relations
with each other in the world system
as a
whole. Even those who do study trade
connections, as for instance Philip Curtin's
(l984)
work on cross-cultural trade diasporas,
often
neglect systematic study of the world
systemic
complex of these trade connections.
Historical evidence to date indicates that
economic
contacts in the Middle East ranged
over a
very large area even several thousand
years
before the first urban states appeared.
The
Anatolian settlement Catal Huyuk is often
cited
as an example of a community with long
distance
trade connections some seven or eight
thousand
years ago. Jericho is another often
cited
example. Trade or economic connections
between
Egypt and Mesopotamia were apparently
somewhat
intermittent before 3000 BC, and
therefore
possibly not systemic. However,
both
Egypt and Mesopotamia very early on
developed
economic connections with Syria and
the
Levant, which formed a connecting corridor
between
the two major zones. The putative
first
pharaoh of unified Egypt, Narmer, may
have
had economic connections to the Levant.
Certainly
by 2700 BC, Egypt had formal
political
and economic relations with the city
of
Byblos on the Levantine coast. Byblos
is
probably
the earliest port of economic contact
mentioned
in both Egyptian and Mesopotamian
historical
sources.
For both Egypt and Mesopotamia, war and
trade
with Syria and the Levant involved the
search
for access to strategic and other
materials,
such as timber, metals, oils, and
certain
luxury consumption goods. The
apparent
goal of Akkadian imperial expansion
was to
gain the benefits of putting all of the
most
strategic routes in one vast corridor
from
the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf
under
its sole control. There is evidence
that
Akkad maintained maritime economic
connections
with the Indus, known as
"Meluhha,"
via ports in the Persian Gulf.
Thus,
Akkad consolidated a privileged position
in the
overall economic nexus. The city
states
of Syria and the Levant became the
objects
of intense rivalry between Egypt and
Mesopotamia. Oscillation occurred in the
control
of these areas: from the first and
second
dynasties of Egypt, over to Akkad, then
to the
third dynasty of Ur. By the nineteenth
century
BC, Egypt again exercised influence
over
most of the Levant as vassal states. It
is
clear that throughout a considerable
historical
period, even to the time of the
Assyrian
and then the Persian empires, Syria
and the
Levant played a crucial role as
logistical
inter-linkage zones and entrepots
within
the world system. They linked the
Mesopotamian,
Egyptian, and Indus zones in one
world
system.
4.
World System Extension
Accumulation
is a major incentive for, and the
ultimate
cause of, economic, political, and
military
expansion by and inter-linkage within
the
world system. Therefore, the process of
accumulation
and its expansion is also
importantly
related to the extension of the
boundaries
of the world system. Two
additional
analogies of expansion may be
useful
to understand the process: the glacier
analogy
and the ink blot analogy. By analogy
to a
glacier, the world system expanded along
a
course of its own making, in part adapting
to
pre-existing topology and in part itself
restructuring
this topology. By analogy to an
ink
blot, the world system also spread
outward,
beyond its area of early confluence.
Probably
the most spectacular single instance
of this
expansion was the "discovery" of the
New
World and later Oceania. David
Wilkinson
(1987)
also sees Central Civilization as
expanding
into other areas and societies and
incorporating
them into itself. In one sense,
the
process is one of simple incorporation of
previously
unincorporated areas, on analogy
with
the expansion of an ink blot.
However, the incorporation of some regions
into
the world system also involved processes
more
like merger than mere assimilation, as
when
two expanding ink blots merge. For
instance,
the incorporation of India, and
especially
of China, appear to be more merger
than assimilation. Mesopotamian trade with
the
Indus was apparently well established at
the
time of the Akkadian empire. Repeated
evidence
of economic contact with India
exists,
though with significant periods of
intermittent
disruption. These disruptions
make it
difficult to set a firm date for the
merger
of India with the world system.
Chinese
urban centers and states appear to
have
developed essentially autonomously in the
archaic
Shang period. However, the overland
routes
to the central world system to the west
were
already opened by the end of the second
millennium
BC, particularly as migratory
routes
for peoples of Central and Inner Asia.
The
actual historical merger of Chinese
complexes
into the world system comes only
after
state formation in China reached a more
advanced
stage, in the late Zhou period. A
series
of loose hegemons began with Duke Huan
of Qi
(685-643 BC) and a process of
unification
of smaller feudatories into larger
territorial
states occurred. According to
Wolfram
Eberhard (1977), the eventual victory
of the
state of Qin and the creation of the
first
centralized empire in China was
influenced
by Qin's strong trade relations
with
Central Asia. These economic
connections
allowed
Qin to accumulate considerable profit
from
trade. The Wei and Tao valleys of the
Qin
state were "the only means of transit from
east to
west. All traffic from and to Central
Asia
had to take this route" (Eberhard, 1977
p.60).
The maintenance of maritime and overland
trade
routes, and the peoples located in the
areas
between major zones, play key logistical
interlinkage
roles in the process of merger.
In the
formation of the world system, the
interaction
of high civilization with tribal
peoples,
especially in Inner and Central Asia,
but
also in Arabia and Africa, played a
crucial
but largely neglected role, to which
we
shall return below.
II. WORLD SYSTEM ROUTES AND NEXUSES
1.
Maritime Routes
The advertising
blurb of the just published
The
Sea-Craft of Prehistory by Paul Johnstone
(1989)
reads "the nautical dimension of
prehistory
has not received the attention it
deserves.... Recent research has shown that
man
travelled and tracked over greater
distances
and at a much earlier date than has
previously
been thought possible. Some of
these
facts can be explained by man's mastery
of
water transport from earliest times."
Generally
the sea routes were cheaper and
favored
over the overland ones. Some
particularly
important maritime routes are
discussed
below.
2. The
Silk Roads
The
Silk Roads formed a sort of spinal column
and rib
cage - or more analogously perhaps,
the
circulatory system - of the body of this
world
system for some 2000 years before 1500
AD. These "roads" extended overland
between
China,
through Inner and Central Asia, to the
"Middle
East" (West Asia). From there,
they
extended
through the Mediterranean into Africa
and
Europe. However, this overland complex
was
also connected by numerous maritime silk
"road"
stretches through the Mediterranean,
Black
Sea, Red Sea, Persian Gulf, and along
many
rivers. Moreover, the predominantly
overland
Silk Road complex was complemented by
a vast
maritime Silk Road network centered on
the
Indian Ocean through the Arabian Sea and
Bay of
Bengal, and on the South China Sea.
These
maritime Silk Roads in turn were
connected
by overland portage across the Kra
isthmus
on the Malay Peninsula, as well as by
ship
through the Malaccan Straits between it
and
Sumatra, etc. The Silk Roads of
course
derive
their name from China's principal
export
product to the West. However, the
trade
of items and peoples extended far beyond
silk
alone. Indeed, the silk had to be paid
for and
complemented by a large variety of
other
staple and luxury goods, money and
services,
including enslaved and other people
who
performed them. Thus, the Silk Roads
also
served
as the trade routes, urban and
administrative
centers, and military,
political,
and cultural sinews of a vast and
complex
division of labor and cultural
diffusion.
3.
Central Asia
If one
looks at a map of Eurasia, it becomes
clear
that Central Asia (in present
Afghanistan
and Soviet Central Asia) was well
positioned
to act as the ultimate nodal
center. Central Asia was the crossroads of a
world
system in which China, India, Persia,
Mesopotamia,
the Levant and the Mediterranean
basin
all participated. For instance, Central
Asia
played a key role in the joint
participation
in the world system of Han
China,
Gupta India, Parthian Persia and the
Roman
empire.
However, Central and Inner Asia were also
more
than the meeting points of others.
Inner
and
Central Asia also originated their own
cycles
of outward invasory/migratory movements
in all
directions. These cycles lasted an
average
of approximately two centuries and
occurred
in roughly half millennium intervals.
For
instance, there were waves of invasions
from
1700-1500 BC, 1200-1000 BC, around 500
BC,
around 0, from 400-600 AD and
1000-1200/1300
AD. Each inner wave pushed out
outer
waves, except the last one of Chinggis
Khan
and his successors to Tamerlane after
him,
who overran all themselves.
Whether or not all these invasions
responded
to climatic changes, presumably they
were
both cause and effect of
changes in
rates
of demographic growth and decline,
which may
in turn have climatic causes.
However,
they were also caused by - and in
turn
had effects on - the ecological,
socioeconomic
and political relations with
their
civilized neighbors. Thus, Inner and
Central
Asia and its pulse require special
attention
in world system history. How
central
was Central Asia to world system
history? To what extent was Central Asia, and
not
primarily the other civilized areas,
something
of a motor force of change in the
whole
system? How was the rise and decline of
various
cities (Samarkand!) and states in this
area
related to system wide developments in
trade?
The place and role of Central Asia is as
important
as it is neglected. The entire
development
of the world system has been
profoundly
affected by the successive waves of
invasion
from the Eurasian steppes on the
perimeter
of the agro-industrial zones. This
"system
implosion" is such a major phenomenon
that it
cries out for systemic study and
explanation. These system implosions were not
deus ex
machina, but integral to the overall
developmental
logic of the world system's
expansionary
trajectory. In particular, the
invasions
and migrations from Inner and
Central
Asia were always instrumental in
transforming
the economic, social, political
and
cultural life of their neighboring
civilizations
- and in forming their racial
and
ethnic complexions. Nor has the
enormously
important role of Central Asia as
an
intermediary zone in the world system
received
the systematic analysis which its
functions
merit. Other nomadic and tribal
peoples,
for instance on the Arabian Peninsula
before
Mohammed and in much of Africa, also
participated
in world system history and world
accumulation
in ways which have not been
acknowledged
except by very few specialists.
4. The
Three Corridors and Logistic Nexuses
Three
magnets of attraction for political
economic
expansion stand out. One is sources
of
human (labor) and/or material inputs (land,
water,
raw materials, precious metal, etc.)
and
technological inputs into the process of
accumulation. The second is markets to
dispose
of one zone's surplus production to
exchange
for more inputs, and to capture
stored
value. The third, and perhaps most
significant,
are the most privileged nexuses
or
logistical corridors of inter-zonal trade.
Bottleneck
control over the supply routes of
raw
materials, especially of metals and other
strategic
materials, plays a key role in
attracting
powers to such areas. This may
also
provide a basis upon which to make a bid
for
expansion of imperial power. Especially
here,
economic, political and military
conflict
and/or cultural, "civilizational,"
religious
and ideological influence all offer
special
advantages. That is, special
advantages
for tapping into the accumulation
and the
system of exploitation of other zones
in
benefit of one's own accumulation.
Therefore,
it is not mere historical
coincidence
that these three nexus areas have
recurrently
been the fulcra of rivalry,
commerce,
and of religious and other cultural
forms
of diffusion.
Certain strategically placed regions and
corridors
have played such especially
important
roles in world system development.
They
have been magnets which attracted the
attention
of expansionist powers and also of
migrants
and invaders. Major currents of
thought
also migrated through them. This
attention
is based on their role in the
transfer
of surplus within the world system,
without
which the world system does not exist.
Certain
metropoles have become attractive in
and of
themselves due to their positions along
trade
corridors, the growth of a market within
the
metropolitan city, and the accumulated
wealth
of the metropole itself. The rise and
fall of
great regional metropolitan centers
and
their "succession" reflects extra-regional
changes
in which they participate. For
example,
the succession of metropoles in Egypt
from
Memphis to Alexandria to Cairo reflects
fundamental
underlying shifts in world system
structure. So does the succession in
Mesopotamia
from Babylon to Seleucia to
Baghdad.
Three nexus corridors have played a
particularly
pivotal and central logistical
interlinkage
role in the development of the
world
system.
1. The Nile - Red Sea corridor (with canal
or
overland connections between
them and to
the
Mediterranean Sea, and open access to the
Indian Ocean and beyond).
2. The Syria - Mesopotamia - Persian Gulf
corridor
(with overland routes linking
the
Mediterranean
coast through Syria, on via the
Orontes, Euphrates and Tigris rivers, to the
Persian
Gulf, which gives open access
to the
Indian
Ocean and beyond). This nexus also
offered
connections to overland routes
to
Central
Asia.
3. The Aegean - Black Sea - Central Asia
corridor
(connecting the Mediterranean
via the
Dardanelles and Bosporus to the
over-land
"Silk Roads" to and
from Central
Asia,
from where connecting routes extended
overland to India and China).
The choice between the two primarily sea
route
corridors mostly fell to the Persian
Gulf
route. It was both topographically and
climatically
preferred to the Red Sea route.
Moreover,
the Persian Gulf corridor had
connecting
routes overland to Central Asia,
which
came to serve as a central node in the
transfer
of surplus among the major zones of
the
world system.
These three nexus corridors represented not
only
mere routes of trade. Repeatedly, they
were
integrated zones of economic and
political
development and recurrently the
locus
of attempts to build imperial systems.
As the
world system expanded and deepened,
attempts
were made by certain powers to place
either
two or all three corridors under a
single
imperial structure. Thus, such a power
would
control the key logistical interlinkages
which
have been central to the world system.
For
instance, the Assyrian empire attempted to
control
both the Syrian - Mesopotamian
corridor
and the Nile - Red Sea corridor, but
succeeded
only briefly and sporadically. The
Persian
empire likewise controlled both these
corridors
for a time, and it also had partial
control
over the Aegean - Black Sea - Central
Asian
corridor. Thus the Persian empire is
the
first historical instance of a "three
corridor
hegemony." Alexander the Great's
grand
strategic design for a world empire or
"world
system hegemony" included plans to
control
all three corridors, plus the Indus
complexes
and the west Mediterranean basin.
His
successors split the Macedonian conquests
almost
precisely into realms parallel to the
three
corridors. They allowed the Indus to
fall
out of Seleucid influence to the Mauryan
empire
and the west Mediterranean basin to
control
by Carthage and Rome. During the
Hellenistic
period, the recurrent rivalries
between
the Ptolomaic and Seleucid dynasties
are
indicative of continued struggles between
the
corridors for privileged position in the
world
system's accumulation processes. Even
the
Roman imperium did not entirely unify the
three
corridors however, since Mesopotamia was
denied
to Rome first by the Parthians, and
later
by the Sassanian Persians. They used
their
control of this area to extract
considerable
profit from the trade between
Rome,
India, and China.
Of course, each of these three main
corridors
had competing/complimentary
alternative
variants and feeder routes of its
own. For instance, there were several silk
roads
between East and West and different
feeder
routes in East and Central Asia and
to/from South
Asia. There were also routes
connecting
Northern and Western Europe through
the
Baltic Sea via the Dnieper, Don, Volga,
and
other Ukrainian and Russian routes.
There
were routes connecting the Adriatic to
continental
Europe, and the east Mediterranean
to the
west Mediterranean. Similarly,
topological
and other factors also favored
some
locations and routes as magnets of
attraction
and logistic nexuses in and around
Asia. They deserve much more attention than
they
have received in world history. As the
Asio-Afro-European
nexus expanded and
deepened,
the number and role of these routes
and
choke points increased. At the same
time,
their
relative importance changed vis a vis
each
other as a result of world system
development. Locations such as the Straits of
Malacca
and of Ceylon had significant
logistical
roles for very long periods of
world
system development.
The three overland and sea route corridors
and
their extensions were the most important
nexuses
between Europe and Asia for two
millennia
before the shift to transoceanic
routes
in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries. This historic shift from the
centrality
of the three corridors to that of
transoceanic
logistical interlinkages was
probably
the single most important logistical
shift
in world history and world system
development. However, rather than creating it
a la
Wallerstein (l974), the shift occurred
within
the already existing world system.
III. INFRASTRUCTURAL INVESTMENT, TECHNOLOGY
AND
ECOLOGY
1.
Infrastructural Investment and Accumulation
Accumulation
implies infrastructural
investment
and technological development.
Infrastructural
investment takes many forms in
many
sectors, such as agriculture,
transportation,
communications, the military,
industrial
and manufacturing infrastructure,
and
bureaucratic administration. There is
investment
even in ideological (symbolic)
infrastructure,
both of the cult of the state
and of
religion. In the state form of
accumulation,
the state seeks to create social
wealth
in order to extract it. By laying the
basis
for increases in production and
facilitating
accumulation, the state increases
its own
access to surplus and therefore its
potential
capabilities vis a vis rival states.
This in
turn helps it to protect "what we've
got"
and to get more. In the private form,
the
propertied elites likewise create wealth
in
order to extract it and invest in
infrastructure
to facilitate production and
thereby
accumulation. The ultimate rationale
of such
investment would in all cases be to
preserve,
enhance, and expand the basis of
accumulation
itself. The development of
infrastructure
and the technology it embodies
feed
back into the generation of surplus and
accumulation. This growth of surplus in turn
feeds
back into further growth and development
of
infrastructure and technology in cumulative
fashion. The pattern is spiral, whereby the
world
system itself grows and becomes more
firmly
"established" via infrastructural
investment
and accumulation.
2.
Technological Innovation
Technological
progress in techniques of
production,
organization and trade, both
military
and civilian, has long played an
important,
and often neglected, role in the
history
of the world system and in the
changing
relations among its parts.
Technological
advance and advantage has been
crucial
throughout history in armaments,
shipping
and other transportation as well as
in construction,
agriculture, metalworking and
other
manufacturing methods and facilities.
Progress,
leads, and lags in all of these have
had
significant contributory if not causative
effects
on (and also some derivative effects
from)
the regional and other relations of
inequality
within the world system. Some
examples
were examined by William McNeill
(1982)
in The Pursuit of Power.
Infrastructural
investment is linked to
technological
change and to organizational
innovation. Technological change in archaic
and
ancient periods, and even in medieval
periods,
was mostly slower than in modern
industrial
times. However, the essence of
patterned
relationships between technological
innovation,
infrastructural investment cycles,
and the
cycles of accumulation and hegemony
(discussed
below) probably have existed
throughout
history. When and what were the
most
significant technological innovations in
world
system history? Which innovations
brought
about restructuring of accumulation
and of
hegemony in the world system? Which
altered
the logistical interlinkages? The
diffusion
of technology across the world
system
is another major area for systematic
and
systemic analysis.
In the general period of the
contemporaneous
Roman/Byzantine, Par-
thian/Persian
Sassanian, Indian Mauryan/Gupta
and
Chinese Han empires, cumulative
infrastructural
investments integrated each of
these
empires into a single world system.
This
high level of systemic integration was
achieved via the
well-developed logistic
nexuses and the simultaneity of imperial
expansion. At the end of that period, the
entire
world system experienced a general
crisis. Hinterland peoples from Inner and
Central
Asia invaded Rome, Persia, India and
China. They caused (or followed?) a decline
in
infrastructural investment and (temporary)
serious
disruption of the world system's
logistical
interlinkages compared to the
previous
era.
How is infrastructural investment linked to
productivity
and increases in productivity to
the
processes of accumulation in the world
system? Technological innovation and
technological
change has been pervasive in
world
system development. Gordon Childe
(1942)
pioneered a materialist analysis of the
effects
of technology on the ancient economy.
Logistic
capabilities, for instance those of
maritime
trade, depend on technological
capability. So does the dynamic of military
rivalry. Indeed, the expansion of the world
system
depended from the outset on
technological
capabilities. Invasions from
the
"barbarian" perimeter to the civilized
centers
depended upon the technological and
military
superiorities of the barbarians.
Such
invasions did not cease until "civilized"
technological
developments made the attainment
of
military superiority by the barbarians
virtually
impossible. By asserting a new
military-technological
superiority, the
Russian
and Manchu empires finally put an end
to the
strategic threat of Inner Asia in the
seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries AD.
The industrial revolution gave European
powers
the military capability to destroy or
subordinate
contemporary empires in the world
system
such as the Mughal in India, the Qing
in
China, and the Ottoman in the three
corridors
region.
3.
Ecology
Technology
has always been intimately
associated
with the ecological interface of
the
world system and its natural resource
base. For instance, the technologies of
farming
created a secular trend to place more
and
more area under agricultural production,
thus to
increase the sources of agricultural
surplus. Particular technological innovations
have
dramatically affected the ecological
interface,
particularly those of
industrialized
production. Since the
introduction
of these technologies, the trend
has
been their extension across more and more
of the
world system, often with devastating
ecological
consequences.
There have been instances when
environmental
conditions brought about major
changes
in world system development. For
instance,
the salination of soils and silting
up of
irrigation works affected the relative
economic
strength of certain zones. For
example,
already before and even more after
the
sacking of Baghdad by the Mongols in 1258,
Mesopotamia
experienced relative decline.
This
was partly due to such environmental
factors,
and partly to shifts in logistical
interlinkages
in the world system.
Certain areas have been extremely difficult
to
incorporate into the world system for
primarily
ecological and/or topographical
reasons. These difficulties (still)
characterize,
for instance, the Tibetan
plateau,
the Amazonian basin, the Great
Northern
Arctic of Canada and the Soviet
Union,
and Antarctica. The social ecology of
the
peoples of Inner Asia, which Owen
Lattimore
(1940) contrasted to that of
sedentary
agricultural peoples, was a major
factor
in the world system's development for
most of
world history. The present ecological
crises
of industrial civilization remind us
that
ultimately ecology and the natural
environment
set limits on the expansion of the
world
system and on sustaining production and
accumulation. If there have been any
ecological
cycles, rhythms, or trends, we
should
investigate what they are and how they
have
affected world system development.
IV. SURPLUS TRANSFER AND ACCUMULATION
RELATIONS
1.
Surplus Transfer and Interpenetrating
Accumulation
The
capture by elite A here (with or without
its
redistribution here) of part of the
economic
surplus extracted by elite B there
means
that there is "interpenetrating
accumulation"
between A and B. This transfer
or
exchange of surplus connects not only the
two
elites, but also their "societies'"
economic,
social, political, and ideological
organization. That is, the transfer, exchange
or
"sharing" of surplus connects the elite A
here
not only to the elite B there. Surplus
transfer
also links the "societies'"
respective
processes of surplus management,
their
structures of exploitation and
oppression
by class and gender, and their
institutions
of the state and the economy.
Thus,
the transfer or exchange of surplus is
not a
socially "neutral" relationship, but
rather
a profoundly systemic one. Through
sharing
sources of surplus, the elite A here
and the
classes it exploits are systemically
interlinked
to the "mode of production," and
even
more important, to the mode of
accumulation
in B there. By extension, if
part of
the surplus of elite B here is also
traded,
whether through equal or more usually
unequal
exchange, for part of the surplus
accumulated
by elite C there, then not only B
and C
but also A and C are systemically linked
through
the intermediary B. Then A, B and C
are
systemically connected in the same
over-arching
system of accumulation.
This means that surplus extraction and
accumulation
are "shared" or
"interpenetrating"
across otherwise discrete
political
boundaries. Thus, their elites
participate
in each others' system of
exploitation
vis a vis the producing classes.
This
participation may be through economic
exchange
relations via the market or through
political
relations (e.g., tribute), or
through
combinations of both. All of these
relations
characterize the millenarian
relationship,
for instance, between the
peoples
of China and Inner Asia. This inter-
penetrating
accumulation thus creates a causal
interdependence
between structures of
accumulation
and between political entities.
Therefore
the structure of each component
entity
of the world system is saliently
affected
by this interpenetration. Thus,
empirical
evidence of such interpenetrating
accumulation
through the transfer or exchange
of
surplus is the minimum indicator of a
systemic
relationship. Concomitantly, we
should
seek evidence that this interlinkage
causes
at least some element of economic
and/or
political restructuring in the
respective
zones. For instance, historical
evidence
of a fiscal crisis in one state or a
zone of
the world system (e.g., in third
century
Rome) as a consequence of an exchange
of
surplus with another zone would be a clear
indicator
of a relationship at a high level of
systemic
integration. Evidence of change in
the
mode of accumulation and the system of
exploitation
in one zone as a function of the
transfer
of surplus to another zone would also
constitute
evidence of systemic relations.
Evidence
of political alliances and/or
conflict
related to participation in a system
of
transfer of surplus would also be
considered
evidence of a systemic relation-
ship. According to these criteria, if
different
"societies," empires, and
civilizations,
as well as other "peoples,"
regularly
exchanged surplus, then they also
participated
in the same world system. That
is
"society" A here could and would not be the
same as
it was in the absence of its contact
with B
there, and vice versa.
Trade in high value luxury items, not to
mention
precious metals in particular, may,
contra
Wallerstein (1974, 1989), be even more
important
than lower value staple trade in
defining
systemic relations. This is because
the
high value "luxury" trade is essentially
an
inter-elite exchange. These
commodities,
besides
serving elite consumption or
accumulation,
are typically also stores of
value. They embody aspects of social
relations
of production, which reproduce the
division
of labor, the class structure, and
the
mode of accumulation. Precious metals
are
only
the most obvious example, but many
"luxury"
commodities have played a similar
role,
as is admirably argued by Jane Schneider
in
chapter 2 above. Thus, trade in both
high
value
"luxury" items and staple commodities
are
indicators of interpenetrating
accumulation.
2.
Center-Periphery-Hinterland (CPH)
Center-periphery-hinterland
(CPH) complexes
and
hierarchies among different peoples,
regions
and classes have always been an
important
part of world system structure.
However,
the occupancy of musical chair places
within
this structure has frequently changed
and
contributed to the dynamics of world
system
historical development. To what extent
(and
why?) have the world system and its parts
been
characterized by center-periphery and
other
structural inequalities? Wallerstein
(1974
and other works) and Frank (l978 a,b,
1981)
among others, have posed questions and
offered
answers about the center-periphery
structure
of the world system since 1500.
Ekholm
and Friedman (l982), Chase-Dunn and
Hall
(Chapter 1) and others are trying to
apply similar
analyses to world systems before
1500. The "necessity" of a division
between
center
and periphery and the "function" of
semiperipheries
in between are increasingly
familiar,
not the least thanks to the
widespread
critiques of these ideas.
Chase-Dunn
and Hall (Chapter 1) survey the
propositions
and debates. Wilkinson (Chapter
4)
examines center-periphery structures all
over
the world for 5,000 years. Rowlands,
Larsen,
and Kristiansen (1987) analyze center
and
periphery in the ancient world. Indeed,
now
this entire book is dedicated to examining
precapitalist
center-periphery relations. We
argue,
however, that these relations also
characterize
this same world system for
several
millennia back.
Chase Dunn and Hall (Chapter 1) and
Wilkinson
(Chapter 4) have already made the
argument
that center-periphery hierarchies
characterize
systemic development much further
back in
world historical development than
1500
AD. In fact, center-periphery relations
characterize
development since the origins of
the
state and systems of states. However,
we
agree
with Thomas Hall (l986 and chapter 7
below)
that we need a more comprehensive
"center-periphery-hinterland"
(CPH) concept
than
most other scholars have used. Hall
(l986)
refers to "contact peripheries."
This
hinterland
is not directly penetrated by the
extracting
classes of the center, but
nevertheless it has systemic links with the
center-periphery
zone and its processes of
accumulation. Wallerstein's use of the term
hinterland
to mean external to the world
system
is insufficient because it neglects the
structural
and systemic significance of zones
which
are "outside" of, but nonetheless
related
to, the center-periphery complex. We,
of
course, wish to stress the contribution to
accumulation
among all participants,
especially
through the transfer of surplus,
made by
these hinterland-periphery-center
"contacts." These CPH relationships have been
insufficiently
analyzed.
The CPH complex does not refer to mere
geographical
position, nor only to unequal
levels
of development. CPH also refers to the
relations
among the classes, peoples and
"societies"
that constitute the mode of
accumulation. The CPH complex is the basic
social
complex upon which hegemony, as
discussed
below, is constructed in a larger
systemic
context. More research is necessary
on how
"geographical" position in a hegemonic
structure
affects class position in the CPH
complex. We could expect to find that the
class
structure of a hegemonic state may be
significantly
altered by the surplus that this
state
accumulates from its subordinates in the
CPH
complex. For example, the subsidy to
the
plebeian
class of Rome may be taken as an
example
of such systemic effects. Conversely,
we
might expect a CPH complex to give rise to
increased
exploitation of producers in
subordinate
positions.
The "hinterland" contains natural
resources,
including human labor, which are
tapped
by the center-periphery. However, what
distinguishes
the hinterland from the
periphery
is that the peoples of the
hinterland
are not fully, institutionally,
subordinate
to the center in terms of surplus
extraction. That is, they retain some degree
of
social autonomy. If a hinterland people
come
under political means of extraction by
the
center, then the process of
"peripheralization"
begins. Nevertheless,
despite
a degree of social autonomy from the
center,
the hinterland is in systemic
relations
with the center. The frequency of
center-hinterland
conflict is one indicator of
such
systemic relations. The hinterland may
also
have functional roles in logistical
interlinkage. In this sense, the hinterland
may
facilitate the transfer of surplus between
zones
of the world system. These roles of
hinterlands
merit as much theoretical
attention
in determining positional shifts and
systems
change as those of semiperipheries.
The center (or core) - periphery -
hinterland
concept is not intended to replace,
but to
extend, Wallerstein's (1974 and
elsewhere,
Arrighi and Drangel 1986) core -
semiperiphery
- periphery formulation.
However,
the semiperiphery has always been a
weak
and confusing link in the argument. The
hinterland
"extension" may confuse it still
further
and may counsel reformulation of the
whole
complex. For instance at a recent
conference
(with Wallerstein, Arrighi and
Frank
among others), Samir Amin suggested that
the
semiperiphery has functionally become the
real
periphery, because it is exploited by the
center;
while the "periphery" has been
marginalized
out of the system, because it no
longer
has anything (or anybody) for the
center
to exploit for its own accumulation.
As
argued above however, historically the
hinterland
has also contributed to core
accumulation
in the CPH complex.
Thus, CPH complexes are integral to the
structure
of the world system in all periods.
They must
be studied, not only comparatively,
but
also in their combination and interaction
in the
world system. It is important to
examine
how center - periphery zones expanded
into
the hinterland in order to understand
the way
in which accumulation processes were
involved. The rationales of expansion and
assimilation
in the hinterland appear to be
related
to the "profitability" of such
expansion,
in terms of tapping new sources of
surplus. They also help resolve internal
contradictions
in the center-periphery
complex brought
about as a result of
exploitation
and demographic pressure. Class
conflict
in the center-periphery complex is
affected
by the expansion of accumulation into
the
hinterland. Demographic trends are an
important
factor; the hinterland provides new
resources
to sustain the growing population of
the
center-periphery zone. The physical
geographical
limits of hinterland
peripheralization
by the center seem to be set
by both
logistical capabilities and by a
cost-benefit
calculus. Areas are occupied
primarily
if they can be made to pay for the
cost of
their own occupation or are deemed to
be
strategically necessary to protect another
profitable
area. Conversely, such areas are
again abandoned
if, or when, their occupation
proves
to be too costly. Fortification at
such
systemic boundaries has a dual function
of
keeping the barbarians out and keeping the
producers
in. That is, such fortification
impedes
military disruption of the zone of
extraction
and also impedes the escape of
dependent-subordinate
producers into the
"free"
zone.
3.
"Barbarian" Nomad - Sedentary
"Civilization"
Relations
It is
important to examine how systemic links
between
center and hinterland are formed. How
does
the hinterland interact over time with
the
center-periphery complex and thereby
affect
changes in the structure of that
complex
itself, and vice versa? A
particularly
important aspect of this question
is the
nature of the historical relations
between
the so-called tribal "barbarians" and
the
so-called "civilized" "societies." How
are the
barbarians "assimilated" into
civilization
and yet also transform
civilization? Throughout most of world
history,
this barbarian-civilization
relationship
has been crucial to the
territorial
expansion of the state,
imperialism,
and "civilization."
The work of Arnold Toynbee (1973), Thomas
Hall
(1986, 1989), Eric Wolf (1982), William
McNeill
(1964) and Owen Lattimore (1940, 1962)
illuminate
many aspects of how these
center-periphery-hinterland
hierarchies are
created,
deepened, and systemically
transformed. Toynbee's "system implosion" is
of
particular interest. Robert Gilpin
(1981)
follows
Toynbee to show how an older center is
eventually
encircled and engulfed by new
states
on the periphery, which implode into
the
center. Thus, a
"center-shift" takes
place
by way of an implosion from the former
periphery
to the center of the system. For
instance,
this occurred with the creation of
the Qin
empire at the end of the Warring
States
period in China. It also happened with
the
creation of the Macedonian empire at the
end of
the classical period in Greece. In
even
earlier examples of such hinterland
impact,
the "tribal" Guti, the Amorites, the
Kassites,
and the Akkadians were intimately
involved
in the political cycles of archaic
Mesopotamia. Each of these peoples made a
transition
from hinterland roles to that of
ruling
class in the center. Moreover, these
invasions
of the center by the hinterland
took
place for systemic reasons, not just
gratuitously. Eberhard (1977) and Gernet
(l985)
analyze how Inner Asian nomads
repeatedly
invaded China to appropriate its
productive
structure and economic surplus.
Frederick
Teggart's (1939) study of
correlations
of historical events in Rome and
China
analyzes the systemic causal connections
across
the whole Asio-Afro-European economic
nexus,
which caused hinterland-center conflict
in one
zone to affect relations in another
zone. The sequencing of conflicts follows a
logic
that corresponds to both logistical
elements
in the nexus, struggles over shares
of
accumulation, and social tensions due to
the
expansionary pressure of the
center-periphery
complex into the hinterland.
V.
POLITICAL ECONOMIC MODES OF ACCUMULATION
1.
Modes of Accumulation
If we
are to study any "modes" at all, we
might
better study the modes of accumulation,
instead
of the "mode of production."
In the
world
system, production is the means to an
end. That end is consumption and accumula-
tion. It may be useful to study the
differences,
the mutual relations,
combinations
or the "articulations" of
"public"
(state) and "private" and
"redistributive"
and "market" modes of
accumulation. It is doubtful that any of
these
modes, or other modes, have ever existed
alone
in any pure form anywhere. However, we
should
study not only how modes of
accumulation
differ and combine with each
other
"locally," but also how they
interconnect
with each other throughout the
world
system as a whole. Thus, world system
history
should both differentiate and combine
modes
of accumulation: horizontally through
space
as well as vertically through time. The
"articulation"
of modes is a way of analyzing
how the
mode(s) of accumulation in one zone of
the
world system is(are) affected by systemic
links
with other zones' mode(s) of
accumulation. Can the overall world system be
characterized
by a single mode of
accumulation? If not, why not?
Shifting the focus of analysis from
production
to accumulation need not abandon
analysis
of the class structure. In fact, a
focus
on the relations of accumulation should
sharpen
the analysis of class relations.
Geoffrey
de Ste Croix (1981) argues that the
key to
every social formation is how the
"propertied
classes" extract the surplus from
the
working classes and ensure themselves a
leisured
existence. He defines a mode of
production
based on the means by which the
propertied
classes obtain most of their
surplus. This approach is an alternative to
trying
to determine what form of relations of
production
characterize the entire social
formation. That is, he focuses on the
dominant
mode of accumulation. Ste Croix
delineates
several means of extracting
surplus:
wages, coerced labor (in many
variants),
rent, and through the state (via
taxes,
corvee labor, and through
"imperialism"). Interestingly, Ste Croix
explains
the fall of the late Roman empire as
due
primarily to gross over-extraction of
surplus,
over-concentration of wealth in the
hands
of the upper classes, and the
over-expansion
of the bureaucratic and
military
apparatus (1981 pp 502-503). The
latter
is similar to Paul Kennedy's (1987)
argument
about military-economic overextension
in The
Rise and Fall of the Great Powers.
This
analysis implies a link between cycles of
accumulation
and cycles of hegemony, to which
we will
return below.
Equal, or perhaps even greater, analytical
emphasis
is necessary on horizontal
inter-elite
conflicts over apportioning
"shares"
of the available social surplus.
This
struggle has its focus in the ultimate
political
determination of the mode of
accumulation. To say that the elites of
different
zones of the world system share in
each
others' system of exploitation and
surplus
extraction through interpenetrating
accumulation,
is not to deny possible
differences
between these zones in terms of
the
mode of accumulation. The exchange or
transfer
of social surplus both affects and is
affected
by class structure. However,
interpenetrating
accumulation affects both the
producing
strata and the
extracting-accumulating
strata, though in
different
ways.
2.
Transitions in Modes of Accumulation
Perhaps
the single greatest weakness in
historical
materialism to date has been the
failure
to theorize transitions between modes
in a
world systemic context. Traditional
Marxist
interpretations of world historical
development
relied heavily on a schema of
transitions
between modes of production in a
predetermined
unilinear progression. This
overly
simplistic framework of analysis has
long
since been abandoned and revised by most
historical
materialists. We propose instead
to
study transitions between modes of
accumulation. However, they did not occur
merely
within each "separate" zone of the
world
system. Rather they were the key
determinants
of transition in both the "parts"
and
especially the whole of the world system.
Therefore,
the research task is not to search
solely
or even primarily for indigenously
generated
determinants of transition between
modes,
but rather to analyze the overall
interactions
of each zone of the world system
with
the dynamic of the entire world system.
This is
true of both the economic and the
political
aspects of modes of accumulation.
It would also be a mistake to attempt too
strict
an analytical separation between
"agrarian"
and "industrial" modes of
accumulation
in the world system. Even in
very
archaic phases of the world system, the
economic
nexus included non-agricultural
sources
of production and accumulation. The
role of
industry and commerce before the onset
of
"industrialization" in the modern world
system
require much more study than they have
received. The associated social and political
relations
of accumulation have changed very
significantly
across world historical time,
but not
in any predetermined or unilinear
progression
of modes of accumulation. The
precise
nature and timing of such transitions
is
still an open empirical question.
3.
Public/Private Accumulation
In
principle, there are four possible
permutations
of private and public
accumulation:
1.
Dominant Private Accumulation (the state
"facilitates"
private accumula tion).
2.
Dominant State Accumulation (private
accumulation
"facilitates" state
accumulation).
3.
All Private Accumulation.
4.
All State Accumulation.
Type 1, dominant private accumulation, may
correspond
to mercantile states and to modern
democratic
states. Type 2, dominant state
accumulation,
may characterize a number of
bureaucratic
states and empires as well as
certain
modern authoritarian regimes. Type 4,
all
state accumulation, might be characterized
by
states such as ancient Sparta, the Inca
empire,
and some modern (state) "socialist"
states. Type 3, all private accumulation,
raises
the theoretical question of whether
private
accumulation is in fact possible at
all without
the state, or at least without the
presence
of the state somewhere in the overall
economic
nexus. There may be niches in the
world
system's economic nexus where all
private
accumulation may occur, but it has
been
difficult to identify instances of this.
State accumulation is typically
characterized
by a much larger scale and much
greater
potential capabilities to extract
surplus
than any sole private accumulator is
capable
of organizing. That is why
"imperialism"
is such an attractive means of
accumulation. State accumulation centralizes
accumulation
more than private accumulation.
For
this reason, these two modes of
accumulation
and their respective elites are
locked
into a perpetual conflict over
apportioning
the shares of the surplus. Both
private
accumulating classes and the state
elite,
as a "state-class," struggle to form a
coalition
of class fractions. Such a
"hegemonic
bloc" of class fractions allows
them to
cooperate to utilize the political
apparatus
to establish the dominant mode of
accumulation. The oscillation between
predominance
by the private accumulators and
the
state class in a social formation is a key
dimension
of the cycles of accumulation,
discussed
below.
4.
Economy/Polity Contradictions
There
is a contradiction between a relatively
unbounded
economic nexus and a relatively
bounded
political organization of this
economic
nexus in world system development.
The
total economy of the major states and
centers
of the world system is not under their
sole
political control. This tension is
universally
recognized today as affecting the
structure
of modern capital accumulation.
However,
this phenomenon is not new. This
economy-polity
contradiction is characteristic
not
only of the so-called contemporary age of
"interdependence,"
but has in fact always been
a
factor in world system development.
Even though since its origin the world
system
has developed logistical interlinkages
that
create a single overarching economic
system,
the political organization of the
world
system has not developed a parallel
unity. Why is that? For the modern world
system,
Wallerstein (1974 and other works)
argues
that the capitalist mode of production
structurally
inhibits the creation of a single
"world-empire." That is, in this view the
resolution
of the economy/polity contradiction
in the
modern world system by a single
overarching
political entity is inhibited by
its capitalist
mode of production. However,
it
appears that even in other modes of
accumulation,
it has not been possible to
create
a single political structure for the
entire
world system. Attempts to do so have
been
failures. The Mongol attempt in the
13th
century
perhaps came closest to success. The
question
of why the world system has never
successfully
been converted into one political
entity
should be seriously posed. The answer
may be
structural, or simply a matter of
logistical
and organizational limitations.
Whatever
the answer to this question about
politics
in the world system, it need not deny
and may
even strengthen the thesis of its
essential
economic unity.
VI. HEGEMONY AND SUPER-HEGEMONY
1.
Hegemony
Hegemony
is a hierarchical structure of the
accumulation
of surplus among political
entities,
and their constituent classes,
mediated
by force. A hierarchy of centers of
accumulation
and polities is established that
apportions
a privileged share of surplus, and
the
political economic power to this end, to
the
hegemonic center/state and its
ruling/propertied
classes. Such a hegemonic
structure
thus consists schematically of a
hierarchy
of CPH complexes in which the
primary
hegemonic center of accumulation and
political
power subordinates secondary centers
and
their respective zones of production and
accumulation.
The rise and decline of hegemonic powers
and
cycles of hegemony and war are lately
receiving
increasing attention, e.g., by
Modelski
(l987), Thompson (1989), Wallerstein
(1974,
1988), Wight (l978), Goldstein (l988)
and
others, and even best seller status
(Kennedy
1987). Most of these studies confine
themselves
to the world system since 1500.
However,
(we argue that) the world system
began
earlier and was previously centered
outside
Europe. Therefore, the same, and even
more
questions, about hegemonic rise, decline,
cycles,
and shifts apply - and even more
interestingly
- to the larger and older world
system,
prior to Europe's rise to
super-hegemonial
economic and political power
within
it. Where and when were there
hegemonic
centers in the world system before
1500,
and in what sense or how did they
exercise their hegemony? David Wilkinson
(1989)
has made a systematic study of world
states
and hegemonies that could serve as the
starting
point for an answer.
The following are some other important
questions. As one hegemonic center declined,
was it
replaced by another and which and why?
Were
there periods with various hegemonic
centers? Did they "coexist" side by side,
or
with
how much systemic interconnection? In
that
case, did they complement each other, or
did
they compete with each other,
economically,
militarily, or otherwise until
one
(new?) center achieved hegemony over the
others?
Rather than continuing to look merely
comparatively
at contemporary hegemonic
structures
in different zones of the world
system
or to investigate the dynamic of each
region
separately, we must look at systemic
links
among all the constituent political
organizations
of the world system. Of course,
these
especially include contemporaneous
hegemonic
structures.
Hegemony takes a variety of historical
forms. They vary from highly centralized
integrated
bureaucratic empires, to very
loosely
structured commercial or maritime
hegemonies. In the latter, much of the
surplus
is captured not via direct political
coercion,
but via commodity exchange, albeit
via
unequal exchange. How and why do these
various
forms of hegemony occur at particular
times
and places? How do they reflect the
interests
of the actors which choose them and
the
prevailing conditions in the world system
at the
time?
Given the absence in the historical record
of any
single "world system hegemony," we must
look to
the rise and decline of hegemonies in
each of
the major zones of the world system in
order
to construct an overall picture of the
hegemonial
cycles, rhythms and trends in the
various
regions and their possible relations.
For
instance, the oscillation between unitary
hegemonies
and multi-actor states systems has
already
been recognized as a key pattern of
world
historical development (Mann 1986,
Wilkinson
1989). These oscillations and the
succession
of hegemonies in each part of the
world
system should not be analyzed only on a
comparative
basis, but from a world systemic
perspective. Only in this way can the
dynamics
of the world system's economy/polity
contradiction
be more fully understood.
All this suggests that the primary object
and
principal economic incentive of a bid for
hegemony
is to restructure the overarching
system
of accumulation in a way that
privileges
the hegemon for capital/surplus
accumulation. Simply put, hegemony is a means
to
wealth, not merely to "power" or "order."
That
is, "power" in the world system is both
economic
and political at all times. In fact,
economic
power is political power, and vice
versa. Turning Michael Mann (1986) on his
head,
the ends of power are above all control
over
accumulation processes and the
determination
of the dominant mode of
accumulation. The processes of accumulation
are
more fundamental to world system history
than
Mann's forms of social power per se.
The
political
and economic processes in the world
system
are so integral as to constitute a
single
process rather than two separate ones.
Success
in accumulation plays a critical role
in
success in a bid for hegemony. This is
true
not only of modern states, but even of
archaic
ones. For instance, the victory of
the
state of Qin in the Warring States period
in
Chinese history depended greatly on its
innovations
in tax structure, infrastructural
investments,
bureaucratic administration, and
trade
links to the world system. All of these
gave
the Qin very real advantages in
accumulation
and in military capabilities over
its
more traditional "feudal" rivals.
2.
Cycles of Accumulation and Hegemony
The
perpetual "symbiotic conflict" between
private
accumulating classes and state
accumulating
classes is indicative of cycles
of
accumulation. The oscillation between
unitary
hegemonies and multi-actor states
systems
is indicative of cycles of hegemony in
the
world system. Cycles of accumulation
and
cycles
of hegemony are probably causally
interrelated. This causal inter- relationship
appears
to date from very early in world
system
history in various parts of the world
system.
These cycles and their interrelationship
are the
central phenomena of the world
system's
longest cumulative patterns. These
cycles
have partly been analyzed by Gills'
(1989)
analysis of synchronization,
conjuncture,
and center-shift in the cycles of
East
Asian history. Briefly, prior to the
in-
dustrialization
of production, the phase of
accumulation
in which private accumulating
classes
become dominant seems to be closely
associated
with the decline of hegemonies and
their
political fragmentation. That is,
decentralization
of accumulation affects the
decentralization
of political organization.
These
processes may be called "entropic."
Phases
of accumulation in which the
bureaucratic
state elite is dominant seem to
be
associated with the consolidation of
hegemonies. That is, the centralization of
accumulation
affects the centralization of
political
organization and vice versa.
However,
rising and declining hegemonies also
call
forth opposing (and also temporarily
supporting)
alliances to thwart existing and
threatening
hegemonial powers. Shifting
alliances
seem to promote some kind of
"balance
of power." All this may seem
obvious,
but the cyclical dynamic of hegemony
(also
through political conflict and shifting
alliances)
in relation to the process of
accumulation
has not previously been given the
attention
it deserves.
Implosion from the hinterland upon the
center
appears to be most likely to occur in
entropic
phases of the system. The
hinterland,
and perhaps the periphery, take
advantage
of weakness or entropy in the center
to
restructure the structure of accumulation.
This
may occur by usurping political power at
the
center, or by "secession" from the center
altogether.
Too much attention has been given only to
the
political and strategic aspects of long
cycles
of war and leadership to the exclusion
of the
underlying dynamics of accumulation.
General
war, as Modelski (1987) argues, does
indeed
produce new sets of victors who go on
to
establish a new order. However, one
should
not
merely examine the political and military
aspects
of these cycles. The new victors,
without
exception, also proceed to restructure
the
structure of world accumulation. This,
and not
mere political realignments or "order"
alone,
is the ultimate end of such general
conflict. The intense military rivalry that
precedes
hegemony may stimulate production,
but
much of the economic benefit is consumed
in the
process of rivalry and war. Typically,
a new
hegemony is followed by a period of
infrastructural
investment and economic
expansion,
which is "the hegemonic prosperity
phase"
of accumulation. A unified hegemony
usually
reduces or even eliminates previous
political
obstructions to the greater
integration
of the economic nexus. This has a
tremendous
impact on the process of
accumulation.
We must contemplate the existence, and
study
the development of a wider world system
farther
back in world history to find answers
to a
host of questions about the dynamics of
states
systems and cycles of accumulation and
hegemony. Particularly important are
questions
about the existence of world system
wide
accumulation processes and shifts in the
centralization
of accumulation from one zone
of the
world system to another. How do such
shifts
affect cycles of hegemony? What are the
real
patterns and "laws" of the world system's
overall
expansion, transformation, and decay?
3.
Super-Hegemony
The
historical process of economic surplus
management
and capital accumulation is so
interregional
and inter-"societal" as to lead
to the
conclusion that it constituted a
process
of world accumulation in the world
system
over the millennia. A privileged
position
therein, in which one zone of the
world
system and its constituent
ruling-propertied
classes is able to
accumulate
surplus more effectively and
concentrate
accumulation at the expense of
other
zones, could be called "super-hegemony."
Thus,
super-hegemony is also a class position
in the
overarching world accumulation
processes
of the world system. Thus, while
there
may at one time be different hegemonic
powers
in the regional subsystems, only one of
them
would be "super-hegemonic" if and when it
is
"more equal than the others" some of whose
accumulation
it manages to channel to itself
and to
centralize in its own super-hegemonic
"super-accumulation." A research agenda is to
examine
the causes of possible super-hegemony,
positional
shifts from one zone to another,
and the
degree to which super-hegemony is
transformed
into further economic and
political
power within the world system.
While
hegemony is built up of CPH complexes,
super-hegemony
occurs in the largest field
possible,
that of the entire world system and
all of
its constituent hegemonic structures.
Thus, super-hegemony links all the
constituent
hegemonies into one overarching
systemic
whole. Of course, the degree of
institutional
integration among distinct
hegemonies
is not as great as the degree of
integration
within each hegemony.
Nevertheless,
contemporary and/or contiguous
hegemonies
are not autonomous if
inter-penetrating
accumulation exists. In the
entire
class structure of the world system, in
whatever
mode of accumulation, the
super-hegemonial
class position is the most
privileged
and the ultimate "center of
centers"
in the world accumulation process.
To what extent did this overarching
super-hegemony
rest or operate on more than
the
mere outward exercise of political power
and the
radiation of cultural diffusion? In
particular,
to what extent and through what
mechanisms
did such overarching super-hegemony
include
centralized (super-hegemonial) capital
accumulation?
Was accumulation fed through the
inward
flow and absorption of economic surplus
generated
in and/or transferred through other
(sub)-hegemonial
centers? The answers to both
questions
are in general affirmative, and we
can
find ample confirmative historical
evidence
if we only look for it. For
instance,
William McNeill (in conversation
with
Frank) suggests that China itself
accumulated
capital by absorbing surplus and
capital
from the West in the several centuries
before
1500 AD. Was China therefore
super-hegemonial?
Prior to China, India was
possibly
super-hegemonial in the world system.
In the
period of the eighth and ninth
centuries
AD, the Abbassid Caliphate, with its
great
metropole at Baghdad, may have been
super-hegemonial. The development of European
domination
over the Mughal, Qing and Ottoman
empires
should, however, also be understood in
terms
of the conjuncture of European expansion
and
these regions' entropic phases of
accumulation
and hegemony. In the nineteenth
century,
Great Britain is a candidate for
super-hegemonial
status, followed by the
United
States in the mid-twentieth century,
and
possibly Japan in the very late twentieth
and
early twenty-first century.
Thus, super-hegemony need not be limited
only to
the capitalist world economy, but may
have existed
at other times in the history of
world
system development. Super-hegemony is
more
flexible than empire, or imperialism.
Super-hegemony
operates not only through
political
and inter-state level(s) of
diplomacy,
alliance, and war, but also and
maybe
more importantly, through
super-accumulation.
If super-hegemony existed before recent
times,
how, when and why did the
super-hegemonial
center of the world system,
the
most favored locus of accumulation, shift
around
the world system? What effects did
such
shifts in super-hegemonial centers have
upon
and what "functional" role, if any, did
they
play in the world system's development?
For
instance, the super-hegemony of the
Abbassids
in the eighth century was reflected
in
their ability to defeat Tang China at Talas
in 751,
their treaty of alliance with the Tang
in 798
AD, and their continued ability to
control
Central Asia. Perhaps the
super-hegemony
of Britain contributed to its
ability
to arbitrate the balance of power on
the
continent of Europe and to defeat bids to
impose
a unitary hegemony, such as that by
Napoleon? The super-hegemony of the United
States
after 1945 allowed it to restructure
the
international order and greatly expand its
economic
and military influence in the world
system. It remains to be seen whether or how
Japan
might translate super-hegemonial status
in
world accumulation processes into further
political
and economic power in the world
system
in the twenty-first century.
4.
Cumulation of Accumulation
How
long, then, has there been an overarching
and
interpenetrating world system process of
capital
accumulation, which affected the
structure
of the structures of which it is
composed? In other words, how long has there
been a
cumulative process of capital
accumulation
on a world system scale? The
(occasional
and temporary) existence of
super-hegemony
also implies super accumulation
at
those times, as noted above. Even in
the
absence
of super-hegemony, however, the
process
of accumulation in one zone of the
world
system would not have been the same
without
the linkages to the process of
accumulation
in another zone or zones of the
world
system. Therefore, even competing
hegemonies
and linked structures and processes
of
accumulation could have contributed to the
world
system wide cumulation of accumulation.
Indeed,
such an overarching structure of
accumulation
and the resulting process of
cumulation
of accumulation implies that there
may be
a unitary "logic" of systemic
development.
The cumulation of accumulation in the world
system
thus implies not only a continuous, but
also a
cumulative, historical process of
ecological,
economic, technological, social,
political,
and cultural change. Cumulation of
accumulation
involves or requires no
uniformity
among these processes throughout
the
system or its parts, no unison among its
parts,
no unidirectionality of change in
either
the parts or the whole, and certainly
no
uniformity of speed of change.
On the contrary, both the historical
evidence
and our analysis suggest unity
through
diversity (to use the phrase Mikhail
Gorbachev
used at the United Nations). The
unity
of the world system and its cumulative
process
of accumulation is based on the
diversity
of center-periphery-hinterland, mode
of
accumulation, and hegemonic differences we
have
emphasized. Of course they also rest on
the
variety of social, gender, racial, ethnic,
cultural,
religious, ideological and other
differences,
which characterize wo/mankind.
Historical
change in both the whole (system)
and its
parts takes place in many
"progressive"
and "retrogressive" directions,
and not
unidirectionally or even in unison
between
here and there.
For this reason among others, historical
change
also takes place and even cumulates,
not
uniformly, but at changing rates,
sometimes
fast, sometimes slowly, sometimes
(degenerating) in reverse.
Indeed, as in
physical
transformations and in biological
evolution,
historical change suddenly
accelerates
and/or bifurcates at critical
junctures. More than likely, contemporaries
are
rarely aware that they are living and
acting
in such "special" periods -- and many
who
think so at other times, are not.
Hindsight
seems to throw more light on history
than
foresight or even contemporary side-sight
or
introspection. Yet even historical
hindsight
has a long way to go, especially in
grasping
the dynamics and variability of
historical
change. We briefly return to these
problems
below under the title of "dynamics."
VII. A HISTORICAL MATERIALIST POLITICAL
ECONOMY
AND RESEARCH AGENDA
1.
Historical Materialist Political Economic
Summary
and Conclusions
In this
paper we made three key arguments.
The
first is that the world system pre-dates
the
development of modern capitalism, perhaps
by
several thousand years. The second is
that
accumulation
processes are the most important
and
fundamental processes of the world system
throughout
its development. The third
argument
is that, though the mode of
accumulation
underwent many historical
transformations,
there has been a continuous
and
cumulative process of accumulation in the
world
system. Therefore, we argue that a new
research
agenda is needed to focus more
analysis
on these cumulative processes of
accumulation
over the entire historical
development
of the world system - of some five
thousand
years at least. The secular trends,
cycles,
and rhythms of the modern capitalist
world
system thus become more contextually
understandable
within the much longer cycles,
trends,
and rhythms of the historical world
system,
and particularly of its process and
cycles
of accumulation.
We based our argument upon a new set of
criteria
for defining what constitutes a
"systemic"
interaction. The transfer or
exchange
of economic surplus is the
fundamental
criterion of a world systemic
relationship. Diplomacy, alliances and
conflict
are additional, and perhaps
derivative,
criteria of systemic interaction.
Thus,
we introduced the criterion of
"interpenetrating
accumulation" into the
definition
of the world system. By applying
these
criteria we saw the origins of the world
system
recede by several millennia. The world
system
had its ultimate origins in the
development
of an archaic Asio-Afro-European
economic
and political nexus, which first
developed
in the area now known as West Asia,
the
Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean
about
2500 BC. Once in existence, this world
system
continued to develop, expand, and
deepen. It eventually either assimilated
and/or
merged with all other center-periphery-
hinterland
zones to form our modern world
system. Its relatively unbounded economic
nexus
is perpetually in contradiction with a
more
bounded political organization of the
economic
nexus. Cycles of accumulation and
cycles
of hegemony, like center-periphery-
hinterland
relations, have characterized the
world
system and its subsystems from its
inception.
World system history forms a genuine
continuum
within which cycles of accumulation
and
cycles of hegemony are the two most
fundamental
phenomena. These two cyclical
phenomena
are intercausally systemically
interrelated
to one another. They are the
basis
of our assertion that there are
cumulative
accumulation processes in the world
system
over such an extended time frame.
Significant aspects of our argument were
anticipated
- alas, without our taking due
note
thereof - by Kajsa Ekholm and Jonathan
Friedman
(E & F) under the title "'Capital
Imperialism
and Exploitation in Ancient World
Systems"
a decade ago (1982, original 1979).
It may
be useful briefly to review some major
points
of agreement and disagreement with
them.
1.
Emergence and development of the World
system. E & F argue that
Our point of departure is that the
forerunner of the present kind of world
system first emerged in the period
following 3000 B.C. in Southern
Mesopotamia. Here we can describe the
first example of the rise of a center of
accumulation within a larger economic
system and the development of an
imperialist structure....the expansion
of the E.D. [Early Dynastic] system
eventually incorporates the entire
region from the Indus to the
Mediterranean in a regular trade
network....(89, 97).
Our argument is that the general
properties of imperialist-mercantilist
expansion are common to ancient and
modern worlds irrespective of specific
local forms of accumulation (92).
We agree that the world system began long
before
"the modern world system," and we also
see its
emergence in Mesopotamia. However, in
our
view the formation of the world system was
more
the result of interregional relations
between
Mesopotamia and other regions in the
"Middle
East" and the Indus Valley. We
also
agree
that the world system then expanded and
took on
certain "general
properties," which
still
define it today (see below).
2.
Capital Accumulation. E & F and we
agree
on the
centrality of capital accumulation in
this
long historical process and system(s) and
that
"capital" exists not only under "capitalism."
The accumulation of capital as a form of
abstract wealth is a truly ancient
phenomenon.... "Capital" is not
tied to
a specific form of exploitation. It is,
rather, the forerunner, or perhaps
identical to, merchant capital in its
functioning....(pp. 88, 100).
However,
E & F define capital as:
...the form of abstract wealth
represented in the concrete form of
metal or even money that can be
accumulated in itself and converted
into other forms of wealth, land, labor,
and products (p. 100).
Our concepts of capital and its
accumulation
are broader than theirs. We
stress
the existence and combination of both
state
and private capital, and we include non-
monetary
forms of the production, extraction,
transfer,
and accumulation of surplus. We
also
pay more attention than they do to the
interregional
dimensions of accumulation and
supra
regional super accumulation. Moreover,
we
stress the cumulative, albeit cyclical,
process
of capital accumulation -- which also
contributes
to continuity in the world system.
3.
Center-periphery Structure(s). E &
F, like
we,
argue that
The system to which we refer is
characterized, not only by an
accumulation of capital, but by the
emergence of an imperialist pattern:
center/periphery structures are unstable
over time; centers expand, contract, and
collapse as regular manifestations of
the shift of points of accumulation.
These phenomena are, we think, more
general than modern capitalism....(88).
We agree, but our CPH complex extends this
center-periphery
structure to include the
hinterland,
when it also contributes to
accumulation
in the center and to
transformation
in the system as a whole.
Moreover
again, we stress the systemic
relations
among various CPH complexes, which
make up
the world system as a whole.
4.
Economy/Polity Contradictions, Hegemony and
System
Transformation. E & F and we agree
that
systemic economic relations tend to be
more
extensive than political ones.
The existence of a production/resource
area wider than that of a political unit
which must be maintained is the
fundamental weakness of such systems
(93).
This
contradiction gives rise to instability
in and
transformation of the system:
Center/periphery structures are
drastically unstable because of the
vulnerability of the centers in the
external (supply/market) realm which is
so difficult to control....Evolution is,
as a result, a necessarily discontinuous
process in space. Centers collapse and
are replaced by other areas of high
civilization. The development of total
systems is not equivalent to the
development of individual societies. On
the contrary, the evolution tends to
imply the shift of centers of
accumulation over time....(93).
Again, we agree; but we discuss these
relations
and transformations as cycles of
hegemony. We also relate hegemony to the
center-periphery
complex and to accumulation
within
it. However, we also urge the study of
possible
overarching system-wide super-
accumulation
and super-hegemony.
5.
World systems or World system? E &
F seem
to be
unsure about which it is. Elsewhere,
they
definitely say systems, (eg Ekholm 1980).
Here E
& F say:
Our point has been to stress the
fundamental continuity between ancient
and modern world- systems.... We are,
perhaps talking about the same world
system.
The forms of accumulation have
not changed so significantly. The forms
of exploitation and oppression have all
been around from the earliest
civilization although, of course, they
have existed in different proportions
and varying combinations....There are,
to be sure, a great many differences,
but the similarities are, perhaps, a
more serious and practical problem (105,
106).
That is our point as well. However, we now
wish to
stress the fundamental similarity and
continuity
not so much between ancient and
modern
world systems. We are definitely
talking
about common characteristics and
continuity
within the same world system.
Therefore, there is good reason,
justification,
and merit to do an historical
materialist
political economy of world system
history. Almost all historical and (other)
social
scientific analysis of the world and
its
parts before 1500 AD (and most of them for
the
time since then also) have neglected these
systemic
aspects of world historical political
economic
processes and relations. Some
scholars
(e.g., Tilly 1984) have considered
doing
such a world system history and have
rejected
the task as inadvisable or
impossible. Others, like Farmer (1977, 1985),
Chase-Dunn
(1986), Ekholm (1980), and Ekholm
and
Friedman (1982) have started down this
road,
but have apparently taken fright and
stopped
or even turned back. A few scholars,
especially
Childe (1942), McNeill (1964,
1990),
Stavarianos (1970), and most recently
Wilkinson
(1987, 1989) have made pioneering
advances
toward writing a world system
history. Frank (1990) examines their and many
other
theoretical and historical
considerations
and rejects their reservations
as
unfounded. He then proposes why and how
these
and other pioneering works should be
extended
and combined to do a history of the
world
and its world systemic historical
materialist
political economy along the
present
lines.
2.
Political, Economic and Cultural Three
Legged
Stools
A
historical materialist political economy of
cumulation
of accumulation in world system
history
does not exclude or even downgrade
social,
political, cultural, ideological, and
other
factors. On the contrary, it relates
and
integrates them with each other. Nor
need
such a
study be "economic determinist."
On
the
contrary, this study would recognize the
interaction and support of at least three
legs of
the social stool, without which it
could not
stand, let alone develop. These
three
legs are: the organization of political
power;
the identity and legitimation through
culture
and ideology; and the management of
economic
surplus and capital accumulation
through
a complex division of labor. Each of
these
is related to the other and all of them
to the
system as a whole and its
transformation.
A historical materialist political economic
analysis
of the historical development of this
world
system should incorporate ecological,
biological,
cultural, ideological, and of
course
political factors and relations. Thus,
there
is justification and merit in also
seeking
to explain many political institutions
and
events and their ideological
manifestations
through the ecological and
economic
incentives and limitations that
accompany
if not determine them. In
particular,
we should pay much more attention
to how
the generation and capture of economic
surplus
helps shape social and political
institutions,
military campaigns, and
ideological
legitimation. Economic
institutions,
such as Polanyi's (1957) famous
reciprocity,
redistribution and market, appear
mixed
up with each other and always with some
political
organization. Many political
institutions
and processes also have economic
aspects
or "functions."
The three component aspects, the three legs
of the
stool, are embedded in the mode of
accumulation. No mode of accumulation can
function
without a concomitant ideology of
accumulation;
an economic nexus founded on a
complex
division of labor in which class
relations
facilitate extraction of surplus;
and
finally a political apparatus, which
enforces
the rules and relations of
accumulation
through the ultimate sanction of
"legitimate"
coercion. The ideology and
political
apparatus are integral aspects of
the
mode of accumulation. They are not
super
-
structurally "autonomous" from each other or
from
the characteristics of the economic
nexus. However, ideology and political
competition
and emulation sometimes appear to
take on
at least a semi-autonomous character.
Even if
we grant this, it does not invalidate
the
alternative assertion that overall they
are not
autonomous from the economic nexus.
We
reject any vulgar unidirectional schema
of
causality whereby the economic nexus must
necessarily
determine the ideology and
political
apparatus of a mode of accumulation
because
they are not in fact separate. We
suggest
an alternative concept of the mutual
inter-causality
among the three aspects of a
mode of
accumulation which is historically
specific
to each case. Indeed, particularly
in
periods of transition between one mode of
accumulation
and another, ideological and
political
forces can play an extremely
significant
role in determining the structure
of the
economic nexus that emerges from the
transition. It is in these periods especially
that
broad based social movements intercede in
world
(and local) history. These social
movements
are often neglected altogether, or
they
are considered but not sufficiently
analyzed
in their structural and temporal
world
systemic context. We can well depart
from
vulgar economism, but not necessarily
from a
form of "economic" determinism, if by
economic
we mean giving the political economic
processes
of accumulation their due.
3.
Analytic and Research Agendas on the
Structure
and Dynamics of World system
history.
Most
important perhaps are the dynamics of the
world
system, that is how the world system
itself
operates, behaves/functions, and
transforms
(itself?). Are there trends,
cycles,
internal mechanisms of transformation
in the
pre-(and post-) 1500 world system?
When
and why does historical change accelerate
and
decelerate? What are the historical
junctures
at which quantitative turns into
qualitative
change? What are the bifurcations
at
which historical change takes one direction
rather
than another. And why? Perhaps
general
systems theory offers some answers or
at
least better questions also for this
(world)
system. For instance, Prigogine and
Sanglier(1988)
analyze how order is formed out
of
chaos, and how at critical times and places
small
changes can spark large alterations and
transformations
in physical, biological,
ecological
and social systems.
Recent studies by, for instance, Ekholm and
Friedman
(1982), Chase-Dunn (1986), and others
are
looking into both structural and dynamic
properties
of partial "world" systems before
1500. However, it may be possible to trace
long
(and within them shorter) cycles of
accumulation,
infrastructural investment,
technological
change, and hegemony much
farther
back in world system history. Not
only
may they have existed, but they may
often
have had considerable relative
independent
autonomy from policy and politics
per
se. Indeed as in more recent times
also,
much of
this policy was, and is, instead more
the
effect of and response to largely
uncontrolled
cyclical changes. Moreover,
policy
tends to reinforce more than to
counteract
these cycles and trends. This
cyclical
process and policy response may be
seen in
the decline of various empires,
including
the present American one.
In particular, to what extent has the
process
of capital accumulation and associated
other
developments been cyclical? That is,
were
there identifiable subsystemic and
system-wide
acceleration/deceleration,
up/down,
swings in structure and process? And
were
any such swings cyclical, that is
endogenous
to the system, in the sense that up
generated
down and down occasioned up again?
This
kind of question has been posed, and some
answers
have been offered for the world system
(or its
different economic and political
interpretations)
since 1500. For instance,
Wallerstein
(l974) and Frank (l978) find long
cycles
in economic growth and technology.
Modelski
(l987) and Goldstein (l988) find long
cycles
in political hegemony and war.
Wallerstein
also posits a life cycle of
expansion and foreseen decay of the system.
Toynbee
(l973), Quigley (l961), Eisenstadt
(1963),
and others have made comparative
studies
of the life cycles of individual
civilizations
before 1500. So have
archaeologists
like Robert M. Adams (1966).
But to
what extent were there also world
system
wide fluctuations and cycles, and what
role
have they played in the transformation
and
development of the world system?
Infrastructural investment apparently
occurs
in cyclical or phased patterns, and
in direct correspondence with the cycle/phase
of
accumulation and of hegemony. Newly
formed
hegemonic
orders are usually associated with a
subsequent
intense phase of infrastructural
investment,
followed by general economic
expansion
and a concomitant increase in
accumulation. Therefore, it could also be
fruitful
to search for a long lasting
continuous
up and down cycle of
super-hegemony.
Thus, infrastructural investment cycles
would
be related to cycles of accumulation and
cycles
of hegemony in the world system. Are
there
also cumulative aspects of
infrastructural
investment that affect
subsequent
world system development? We
incline
to an affirmative answer. However, we
do not
believe that this cumulation
necessarily
takes place in or through a single
"capital-imperialist"
mode of production, and
still
less one based on the primary use of a
political
apparatus to exercise imperial
political
power for this accumulation, as
apparently
posited by Ekholm and Friedman
(1982). Other competitive "economic"
mechanisms
operating within the very CPH and
hegemonic
structure of the world system can
also
further the process of cumulation in the
world
system. How did private and state
investment
interact in world system
development? For instance, what is the role
of
private infrastructural investment in
creating
and sustaining the complex logistical
interlinkages
of the world system? To what
extent
does state infrastructural investment
create
and sustain the logistical
interlinkages
of the world system? How does
the
conjuncture and synchronization of phases
among
contemporary hegemonies affect the
respective
cycles of infrastructural
investment?
If we view the entire five or six millennia
development
of the world system as a unified
cumulative
continuum and seek to explain its
most
significant trends, cycles, and rhythms,
based
on an historical materialist political
economy,
then a "world system history" should
follow. Such a world system history should
not
merely be a comparative history of the
world
or even a comparative history of world
systems. An historical materialist world
system
history would regard class formation,
capital
accumulation, state formation, and
hegemonic
construction throughout the world
system
as being integral aspects of the one,
cumulative,
process of world historical world
system
accumulation and development. This
history
would not be Eurocentric, and should
avoid
any other form of centricism. A
comprehensive
world system history would be
humanocentric.
We mean humanocentric in two senses. One
is that
world history must encompass the
structure and development of the system,
which
importantly determines the lives of all
humanity,
and not just a (self)selected part
of it.
Second, world (system) history should
leave
room for how people shape their own and
world
history. Most history is written top
down by
and/or for the victors in historical
struggles. Of course, the hierarchical and
center-periphery
structure and mechanisms of
social
transformation in the system merit
attention,
as we have emphasized. However,
human
history and the world system itself
also
emerges out of multiple bottom up social
movements
and other struggles. Some were
successful
in their time and place. Many were
defeated. Both intervened in forming and
transforming
world system history. More
specifically,
popular dissatisfaction and its
socio-political
expression helped shape and
transform
societies and empires from reform
movements
in ancient Sumer and peasant
uprisings
in "dynastic cycle" China to today.
The
scholarly difficulty of incorporating
these
social movements into a world system
history
is only exceeded by the political
importance
of doing so. Yet we must try;
since
it is the very structure and development
of the world
system, which (cyclically?)
generates
and continually regenerates the
social
(movement) and other struggles -- and
vice
versa. A Luta Continua!
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