The World-System(s) of the Indian Ocean
Christopher Chase-Dunn and Teresa Neal
Institute for Research on World-Systems
University of California-Riverside
v. 2-16-18; 4869 words
Forthcoming Hommage to Philippe Beaujard to be edited by Delphine BURGUET, Sarah FEE and Samuel F. SANCHEZ. This is IROWS Working Paper #123 available at http://irows.ucr.edu/papers/irows123/irows123.htm
Finding a systemic relationship of trade and exchange in pre-modern times helps to establish a theoretical framework for studying world history and sociocultural evolution that is de-centered from European hegemonic history. The comparative evolutionary world-systems perspective does this a priori by analyzing small, medium and large whole human interaction networks to describe and explain the evolution of complexity and hierarchy in human societies and in interpolity systems (Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997; Chase-Dunn and Lerro 2016). Conventionally the cases used for purposes of comparing whole world-systems focus on places where large settlements and polities first emerged (Inoue, et al 2012; 2015), but it is also useful to start by focusing on whole world regions such as the Indian Ocean. Influenced by Fernand Braudel’s study of the Mediterranean, K. N. Chaudhuri adopted a view of the Indian Ocean as a place where climate, geography, and the “everyday lives of people” merged to form a cohesive unit of analysis (Chaudhuri, 1985). The study and comparison of regions, especially seas and oceans, has a long pedigree in social science and world history. It focuses our attention on how small localized interaction networks expanded, merged and became fused into larger multicultural systems. Studying the Indian Ocean as a world region provides a valuable jumping-off point for examination of how a great expanse of water containing islands and surrounded by important land-masses was the locus of the emergence of complex societies, their interactions with less complex societies and the development of large-scale multicultural interaction networks based on communications, trade and migration, diplomacy and warfare (Alpers 2009, 2014). Continental land masses surround the Indian Ocean, and, except for Antarctica, each has its own story of the evolution of human social complexity and hierarchy. The Indic subcontinent (South Asia) pokes down into the Indian Ocean from the North, giving it its name, but in this multi-polar system, eastern Africa, the Islamic sultanates, Persia and China along with South Asia, drove systemic interactivities of trade, communications and political/military engagement.
The works of Philippe Beaujard make unique contributions to our knowledge of Afro-Eurasia and the Indian Ocean as well as to the processes of systemic expansion (and contraction) that have been going on since the emergence of horticulture. Beaujard’s insightful analyses of world-systemic issues such as core/periphery relations (2005; 2010) provide illuminating insights. His magisterial world history of the Indian Ocean (2009, 2012, 2018) follows and was inspired by his earlier close ethnohistorical studies of East Africa and Madagascar where, over the last several decades, he has done ethnographic field work. His world-systemic theoretical approach has produced a detailed summary and analysis of how local social structures have been influenced by the diffusion of biota, long-distance trade and migration. And he proposes an insightful account of the rise of Neolithic and Bronze Age systemic interaction networks with special emphasis on the importance of long-distance trade for both reproducing and transforming social structures. His analysis of the importance of Indian Ocean luxury trades confirms the tradition in the anthropological literature that theorizes about prestige goods economies (Schneider 1991; Peregrine 1991), but he also notes that the long-distance diffusion of important bulk goods crops, such as bananas, imply that prestige goods traders also carried bulk goods on their long voyages (Beaujard 2009; Robertshaw 2006). Beaujard also focusses on communication networks and the diffusion of religious ideas that generally followed trade routes. And he contends that core, peripheral and semiperipheral polities co-evolved with one another despite interpolity exploitation and domination.
Small Worlds in the Indian Ocean
Before the emergence of long-distance traders in the Indian Ocean there were very small world-systems. Nomadic foraging peoples moved in seasonal migration circuits and, before the emergence of horticulture, Mesolithic diversified foragers began living in winter villages, the precursors of sedentism. The emergence of planting allowed villages to be larger and small-scale trade and warfare networks linked shore-living fishing peoples with inland hunters, forming local interpolity spatial divisions of labor that were not hierarchical (Tosi 1986). Shore-living peoples used boats and they expanded coastal exchange networks that connected regions with different resources. These world-systems were small because transportation and communication technologies were good enough to systemically link polities to their neighbors and the neighbors of their neighbors, but the effects of these interaction networks fell off as the down-the-line exchange connections became more indirect. As settlements got larger, longer distance trading across land and along coasts expanded these networks. As Beaujard (2009) recounts, it was in the early Bronze Age that cities and states emerged in Mesopotamia and then later in the Indus River Valley. The emergence of long-distance maritime trade connecting the core regions of Mesopotamia with the Indus (Harrapan) cities provided an opportunity for specialized trading states such as Dilmun (Bahrein) (Bibby 1969) and led to the development of larger and lighter plank-sewn ships (Alpers 2014:22). Dilmun may have been the first semiperipheral capitalist city-state (Chase-Dunn, Anderson, Inoue and Álvarez (2015)
Dilmun in Sumerian cuneiform script
While Philippe Beaujard’s periodization of the rise of Afroeurasian and Indian Ocean interaction networks is based on a thorough review of the recently available evidence on trade and diffusion, it may be fine-tuned in the future as new evidence emerges from archaeological and genetic studies. This said, his approach is far superior to that of the “ancient hyperglobalists” who depict a single global system as already existing in the Paleolithic Age. Several eminent scholars have claimed that there has been a single global (Earth-wide) system for millennia (Lenski 2005; Frank and Gills 1994; Modelski 2003; Modelski, Devezas and Thompson 2008, and Chew 2001, 2007). Beaujard and Janet Abu-Lughod (1989) have agreed with Immanuel Wallerstein that, as we go back in time there were multiple regional whole systems that should be studied separately and compared. The ancient hyperglobalists are correct that there has been a single global network for millennia because all human groups interact with their neighbors and so they are indirectly connected with all others. But this ignores the issue of the fall-off of interaction effects mentioned above. When transportation was mainly based on individuals carrying things on their backs or in small boats, the effective size on systemic interaction networks was small.
Frank and Gills (1994) contended that there had been a single global system since the rise of cities and states in Mesopotamia, though later they admitted that the Americas were largely disconnected from Afroeurasia before 1492 CE. They also raised the important issue of the evolution of modes of accumulation, claiming that there had been a “capitalist-imperialist” mode in the Bronze Age with alternating periods in which tribute-taking and market based profit-making had been predominant (see also Ekholm and Friedman 1982). While it is important to understand that capitalism only became a predominant logic of accumulation with the rise of the West, the insights from those who see continuities with Bronze, Iron Age and early modern processes of commercialization and state formation are also useful.
A System of Balances
Indian and Indonesian commerce made the Indian Ocean a very busy place from the Roman Empire times on. The Roman Empire had a huge spice trade from India and Indonesia. India and Indonesia had huge voyaging and trading enterprises. East Africa was explored by Indonesians during Roman times, and Madagascar was colonized from Borneo and other Indonesian islands by 500 CE.
Philippe Beaujard’s view of the medieval Indian Ocean network can best be characterized as a system of balances and uneven development that included upwardly mobile semiperipheries. Just as the merchant ships on the Indian Ocean were balanced between luxury goods cargo and bulk goods ballast, the entire system, with its co-evolutionary core/periphery relationships, was balanced between utilitarian trade and prestige goods (see also Chaudhuri,1985: 203-204; Neal 2014). Beaujard (2005) makes good use of the semiperiphery concept in his study of the emergence of world-systems in the Indian Ocean. He found interesting instances in which the emergence of regional settlements that connected hinterlands with core areas were facilitated by the presence of merchants and religious elites who were migrants from core regions (2005:442). His study of the emergence of unequal exchange between the coastal East African Swahili cities and the interior of the East African mainland notes that immigrants from the Arabian core helped to form commercial ties, intermarried with local elites, and converted locals to Islam, thereby promoting a process of class-formation that led to the emergence of semiperipheral polities along the coast. Beaujard (2005:445) also affirms the idea, which is asserted in the literature on semiperipheral development (Chase-Dunn et al 2015) that important institutional and technological innovations often occurred in semiperipheral polities.
When formerly disconnected regional networks became linked with one another, cycles of urban and polity growth tended to become synchronized (Beaujard 2005, 2010; Lieberman 2009). Philippe Beaujard (2005) contends that core, peripheral and semiperipheral polities co-evolved with one another despite interpolity exploitation and domination. Strong and direct political/military systemic links tended to emerge later than systemic links based on trade. Alexander of Macedon conquered part of the South Asian subcontinent but, after the subsequent Greek states were expelled, there was only sporadic direct political/military interaction between the Mediterranean interpolity system and the South Asian (Indic) system of states until the Portuguese established colonies in South Asia in the sixteenth century CE. David Wilkinson studies and spatially bounds interaction networks in which states are engaged in warfare, diplomacy and alliances with one another.
Wilkinson has estimated the time periods in which smaller state systems (interpolity systems) became strongly and permanently linked with one another (Wilkinson 1986). The larger state system that was formed when the Mesopotamian and Egyptian state systems merged around 1500 BCE is called “Central Civilization” by Wilkinson, but he is talking about a system of fighting and allying states. Regarding the incorporation of the South Asian (Indic) state system into the expanding Central state system, Wilkinson does not count the Alexandrian conquests in India because that linkage was temporary. The South Asian state system was again temporarily connected to the Central system in CE 1008 when Mahmud of Ghazni conquered North India. Wilkinson (forthcoming) says: “I feel the need to re-examine connections, especially the Central-Indic connection, with respect to three sorts of cases: 1) temporary connections like Alexander's that lasted longer than his (some fuller sense of the distribution of the durations of connections seems needed); 2) Central invaders/conquerors of Indic who then moved their political base into Indic; and 3) whole peoples (Yuezhi?) who pulled up stakes and moved between civilizations, thus decolonizing their old home and neocolonizing their new (e.g. Indic) abode, and perhaps disconnecting from a former network while making new political connections.” His conclusion is that the South Asian state system did not become tightly and permanently connected to the Central system until Britain and France established colonies and eventual control over the South Asian subcontinent in the 18th century CE. The sixteenth century incursions in India by Portugal are not seen by Wilkinson to have been geopolitically systemic, though a plausible case could be made that the establishment of Portuguese India (Estado da India) did constitute a long-lasting and consequential connection between the Central and South Asian geopolitical systems.
Indian traders ranged far to the East toward “Indochina” and island Southeast Asia. Even though Brahmins were theoretically forbidden to travel overseas (to avoid pollution by contact with foreigners), many did. Wheatley (1975) described the Indianization of Southeast Asia by traders and priests, the latter imported by local rulers to sanctify the creation of divine kingships. The main stimulus that spurred Southeast Asian state formation was trade with Indian merchants. This was not tributary exchange or reciprocal gift-giving. Indian merchant entrepreneurs brought highly valued goods across the sea to trade for scarce metals and forest products that the local economies could provide. Control over access to the Indian goods enabled local leaders to organize redistributive states and provided the motivation for increased production for exchange in the overseas trade. The multicentric nature of the Indian ocean trade network made commerce competitive. Both Indian and Chinese core areas traded with the Southeast Asian periphery, and important groups of trading middlemen emerged. Specialized trade diasporas developed to service the local bulk sea trade (Curtin, 1984) while Chinese and Indian merchants kept the importation of core commodities in their own hands (Meilink-Roelofsz 1962).
Indian Ocean and Southeast Asian city-states and some larger states sometimes specialized in trade, and the maritime shipping routes and choke-points provided ample opportunities for piracy, but the relatively successful regulation of trade in the Chinese trade-tribute system discouraged the emergence of strong and successful semiperipheral capitalist city-states. Malacca, a regional Chinese ally, was a partial exception. This is an important difference between the Eastern and Western trajectories of economic development. The east commercialized, but states with capitalists wielding state power did not emerge their (at least until recently).
Chase-Dunn Manning and Hall (2000), comparing the sequence of the rise and fall of large polities in South Asia with East Asia and the Central interstate system, noted that the Indic sequence was distinct in that, after the fall of the Mauryan Empire, there was a long hiatus before the rise of another sub-continent-wide empire in South Asia (so-called Indic Exceptionalism).
Ravi Palat’s (2015) comparative study of economic and political evolution considered the ways in which regional differences based on the social and political characteristics of wet-rice agriculture interacted with other historical forces to produce political-economic outcomes in the Indic sub-continent. Palat’s original research on textual evidence from the Vijayanagara Empire supports the idea that the class structures and state organizations of South Asia were importantly shaped by constraints (and opportunities) imposed by the nature of agricultural production –rice cultivation. Palat also contends that nomadic incursions were important factors shaping the Indic class structure and he contrasts the different histories of Europe, India, China, Japan and Southeast Asia in terms of the structural implications of different agricultural and incursion histories. He concludes that these factors caused the South Asian development of a world-economy without developing full-on capitalism. Palat’s examination of how commercialization had different causes and effects in Europe and Asia corrects Immanuel Wallerstein’s dismissal of “preciosities” as inconsequential, agreeing with Beaujard in this respect. Palat makes a convincing case that the emergence of the Indian Ocean world economy was the outcome of the confluence of rice-cultivation with a military surge of nomads during a time of metal coinage scarcity. This produced a more integrated commercialized but non-capitalist world-system from 1350-1650 CE.
Palat’s study also invites consideration of the contentious issues regarding Eurocentrism and coloniality that continue to rile the waters of social science and world history. A good overview of the issues of Eurocentrism, post-structuralism, post-coloniality and subaltern studies is contained in a review symposium on Vivek Chibber’s Postcolonial Theory and the Spectre of Capital organized by Ho-Fung Hung (2014) (with valuable contributions by George Steinmetz, Bruce Cumings, Michael Schwartz and Bill Sewell). Though it has been beaten hard for decades, the big horse that is Eurocentrism continues to provide inspiration for new rejections of the heritages of European social science. Afro-centrism, Sino-centrism, South East Asia-centrism; Third Worldism, Indian Ocean-centrism and Islam-centrism have challenged the claimed universality of Eurocentric social science. Many of the anti-Eurocentrists provide corrections to the stories told by Eurocentrists or seek to give the “people without history” a voice. But some try to assert an alternative universalistic social science to replace the discarded Eurocentric universalism. Dependency theory and the world-system perspective emerged in the 1970s as efforts to overcome the Eurocentrism and core-centrism of modernization theory, but they too have been disparaged as Eurocentric. Vivek Chibber’s spirited defense of a class struggle, point-of-production version of Marxism provides an entirely plausible explanation of class politics in India in response to the subaltern theorists who contend that Indic civilization cannot be comprehend by theories developed to explain class struggles in Europe. Chibber’s critique provides a useful distinction between those aspects of social science theories that erroneously assume that European institutional and cultural characteristics are universal from those that well-describe and explain non-European social change. Cosmocentrism provides a stance for scientifically making such distinctions (Chase-Dunn and Lerro 2014: 206-207), and an alternative to throwing the baby out with the bath. Philippe Beaujard’s contributions to the comparative world-systems perspective carry the ball far down the field toward a cumulative science of human social change.
Abu-Lughod, Janet 1989 Before European Hegemony: The World System A.D. 1250- 1350 New York:
Oxford University Press.
Alpers, Edward A. 2009 East Africa and the Indian Ocean. Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers
______________ 2014 The Indian Ocean in World History. New York: Oxford University Pres
Al Khalifa, Shaikha Haya Alia and Michael Rice (eds.) Bahrain Through the Ages. London: KPI
Anderson, E.N. 2018 Review of Les mondes de l’océan Indien Vols. 1 and 2 by Philippe Beaujard. Journal of World-Systems Research
Asher, Catherine B. and Cynthia Talbot 2006 India Before Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Aslanian, Sebouh David 2011 From the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean: The Global Trade Networks of
Armenian Merchants from New Julfa. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Beaujard, Philippe. 2005 “The Indian Ocean in Eurasian and African World-Systems Before the Sixteenth Century” Journal of World History 16,4:411-465.
_____ 2009 Les mondes de l’océan Indien Tome I: De la formation de l’État au premier système-monde Afro-Eurasien (4e millénaire av. J.-C. – 6e siècle apr.
J.-C.). Paris: Armand Colin.
_____ 2010. “From Three possible Iron-Age World-Systems to a Single Afro Eurasian World-System.” Journal of World History 21:1(March):1-43.
_______2011 “Evolutions and Temporal Delimitations of Possible Bronze Age World-systems in Western Asia and the Mediterranean” Pp. 7-26 in
Toby C. Wilkinson, Susan Sherratt and John Bennett (eds.) Interweaving Worlds, Oxford: Oxbow Books
_____ 2012. Les mondes de l’océan Indien Tome II: L’océan Indien, au coeur des globalisations de l’ancien Monde du 7e au 15e siècle. Paris: Armand Colin
______ 2018 The Worlds of the Indian Ocean. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Bhargava, P.L. 2007 Chandgragupta Maurya. Delhi: D.K. Printworld.
Bibby, Geoffrey 1969 Looking For Dilmun. New York: Alfred A. Knopf
Braudel, Fernand 1972 The
C and Thomas D. Hall 1997 Rise and
Demise: Comparing World-Systems
Chase-Dunn, C. Hiroko Inoue, Teresa Neal and Evan Heimlich 2015 “The Development of World-
Systems” Sociology of Development 1,1: pp. 149-172 (Spring) http://socdev.ucpress.edu/content/1/1/149
Chase-Dunn, Christopher and Bruce Lerro 2016 Social Change: Globalization from the Stone Age to the
Present. New York: Routledge
Chase-Dunn, C and Kelly M. Mann. The Wintu and Their Neighbors: A Small World-System in Northern
California, University of Arizona Press,1998.
Chase-Dunn, Christopher, Susan Manning and Thomas D. Hall, 2000 "Rise and Fall: East-West
Social Science History 24,4: 721-
Chaudhuri, K. N. 1985. Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of
Islam to 1750. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
_______________1990 Asia Before Europe: Economy and Civilisation of the Indian Ocean from the rise of Islam to 1750
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Chew, Sing C. 2001 World ecological degradation: accumulation, urbanization, and deforestation, 3000 B.C.-A.D. Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press
______ . 2007 The Recurring Dark Ages: ecological stress, climate changes, and system transformation Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press.
Chibber, Vivek 2013 Postcolonial Theory and the Spectre of Capital London: Verso
Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherine 2008 The History of African Cities South of the Sahara. Princeton, NJ:
Curtin, Philip D.
1984. Cross-Cultural Trade in World History.
Davis, Mike 2002 Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines in the Making of the Third World London:
Denbow, James; Carla Klehm and Laure Dussubieux 2015 “The Glass Beads of Kaitshaa and
Early Indian Ocean Trade into the Far Interior of Southern Africa.” Antiquity 89:361-377.
Ekholm, Kasja and Jonathan Friedman 1982. "'Capital' Imperialism and Exploitation in the Ancient World-systems."
Review 6:1(Summer):87-110. (Originally published pp. 61-76 in History and Underdevelopment, (1980) edited by L. Blusse,
H. L. Wesseling and G. D. Winius. Center for the History of European Expansion, Leyden University.
Frank, Andre Gunder and Barry Gills 1994. The World System: 500 or 5000 Years? London: Routledge.
Granoff, Phyllis 2004 “Luxury Goods and Intellectual History: The Case of Printed and Woven
Multicolored Textiles in Medieval India” Ars Orientalis, Vol. 34: 151-171
Ho, Engseng 2006 The Graves of Tarim: Genealogy and Mobility across the Indian Ocean. Berkeley:
University of California Press
Hourani, George F. 1959 Arab Seafaring Princeton: Princeton University Press
Hung, Ho-Fung 2011 Protest with Chinese Characteristics: Demonstrations, Riots and Petitions in the Mid-
Qing Dynasty. New York: Columbia University Press.
_____________(ed.) 2014 Review Symposium on Vivek Chibber’s Postcolonial Theory and the Specter of
Inoue, Hiroko, Alexis Álvarez, Kirk Lawrence, Anthony Roberts, Eugene N Anderson and Christopher Chase-Dunn
2012 “Polity scale shifts in world-systems since the Bronze Age: A comparative inventory of upsweeps and collapses”
International Journal of Comparative Sociology http://cos.sagepub.com/content/53/3/210.full.pdf+html
Inoue, Hiroko, Alexis Álvarez, Eugene N. Anderson, Andrew Owen, Rebecca Álvarez, Kirk Lawrence and
Christopher Chase-Dunn. 2015 “Urban scale shifts since the Bronze Age: upsweeps, collapses and semiperipheral development”
Social Science History. Volume 39 number 2, Summer http://irows.ucr.edu/papers/irows89/irows89.htm
Kirch, Patrick V. 1984. The Evolution of Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Lawler, Andrew 2014 “Sailing Sinbad’s Seas” Science 344:1440-1445
Lenski, Gerhard. 2005. Ecological-Evolutionary Theory: Principles and Applications (Boulder: Paradigm Publishers.
Lieberman, Victor 2003 Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global Context, c. 800-1830. Vol. 1:
Integration on the Mainland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Lieberman, Victor. 2009. Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global Context, c. 800-1830. Vol 2:
Mainland Mirrors: Europe, Japan, China, South Asia and the Islands. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Meilink-Roelofsz, M. A. P. 1962 Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archepelago Between 1500 and About 1630.
The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff.
McLaughlin, Raoul. 2010 Rome and the Distant East. Bloomsbury Academic.
Miller, James Innes 1969 The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 29 B.C. to A.D. 641.Oxford: Oxford
Miroslaw, Michalak 1996 “The Political Background of Iranian Naval Activities in the Sasanian
Period.” Iranica Cracoviensia: Cracow Iranian Studies in Memory of Wladyslaw Dulęba. Kraków:
Cornelius Publishing House
Modelski, George 1964 "Kautilya: Foreign policy and international system in the ancient
Hindu world," American Political Science Review 58, 3: 549-560.
______________ 2003 World Cities: –3000 to 2000. Washington, DC: Faros 2000
______________ 2008 “Globalization as evolutionary process” in pp. 22-29. Modelski, George, Tessaleno Devezas and
William R. Thompson (eds.) 2008. Globalization as Evolutionary Process: Modeling, Simulating, and Forecasting Global Change. London: Routledge.
Mukherjee, Ramkrishna 1974 The Rise and Fall of the East India Company. New York: Monthly Review
Mukherjee, Rila 2014 “Review of Philippe Beaujard. Les mondes de l’océan Indien [The Worlds of the
Indian Ocean] The Asian Review of World Histories Volume 2, ∙ Number 1 (January)
Neal, Teresa 2014 “Finding Evidence for a Pre-Modern World-System in the Indian Ocean”
Patel, Alka 2004 “Communities and Commodities: Western India and the Indian Ocean, Eleventh-Fifteenth Centuries”
Ars Orientalis, Vol. 34: 7-18.
Pearson, Michael 2003 The Indian Ocean. London: Routledge
Peregrine, Peter N. 1991 "Prehistoric Chiefdoms on the American Mid-contentinent: A
World-system Based on Prestige Goods." Pp. 193-211 in Core/Periphery Relations in Precapitalist Worlds, edited by
Christopher Chase-Dunn and Thomas D. Hall. Boulder, CO: Westview Press http://irows.ucr.edu/cd/books/c-p/cprel.htm
Ray, Himanshu Prabha 2004 “The Beginnings: The Artisan and the Merchant in Early Gujarat, Sixth-Eleventh Centuries.”
Ars Orientalis, Vol. 34: 39-61
Reid, Anthony 1988 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680. Vol. I, The Lands below the
Winds. New Haven: Yale University Press.
____________ 1993 Vol. 2: Expansion and Crisis. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Robertshaw, Peter 2006 “Africa’s earliest bananas” Archaeology 59(5):25-29.
Sherif, Abdul and Engseng Ho (eds.) 2014 The Indian Ocean: Oceanic Connections and the Creation of New
Societies London: Hurst and Company.
Schneider, Jane 1991 “Was There a Pre-capitalist World-System?” Pp. 45-66 in Christopher Chase-
Dunn and Thomas D. Hall (eds.) Core/Periphery Relations in Precapitalist Worlds. Boulder CO:
Westview Press http://irows.ucr.edu/cd/books/c-p/cprel.htm
Schwartzberg, J.E. 1992 A Historical Atlas of South Asia. 2nd impression, with additional material.
New York: Oxford University Press.
Sidebotham, Steven E. 2010 Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route. Berkeley: University of
Singh, Simron 2003 In the Sea of Influence: A World System Perspective of the Nicobar Islands Lund Studies
in Human Ecology. Volume 6.
Tosi, Maurizio 1986 “Early maritime cultures of the Arabian Gulf and the Indian Ocean” Pp. 94-
108 in Al Khalifa and Rice.
___________1969 Sons of Sinbad. An Account of Sailing with the Arabs in their Dhows, in the Red
Sea. New York: Scribners
Wallerstein, Immanuel 2001 “Does India Exist?” Chapter 9. Pp. 130-134 in Immanuel Wallerstein,
Unthinking Social Science: The Limits of Nineteenth Century Paradigms Philadelphia, PA: Temple
_____________ 2011 (1974) The Modern World-System, Volume 1. Berkeley: University of California
Wheatley, Paul 1975 "Satyanrta Suvarnadvipa: from reciprocity to redistribution in ancient Southeast Asia"
Pp. 227-284 in Ancient Civilization and Trade, edited by J. A. Sabloff and C. C.
____________1983 Nagara and Commandery: Origins of the Southeast Asian Urban Traditions. Chicago:
University of Chicago Department of Geography. Research Paper #s 207-208
Wilkinson, David 1996 "Configurations of the Indic States System." Comparative Civilizations
Review 34: 63-119. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr/vol34/iss34/6
__________________2015 "The Civilizations of Africa," pp.41-62 in African Civilization in the 21st Century,
ed. Tseggai Isaac and Andrew Targowski. Nova Science Publishers.
____________ Forthcoming ““When States-Systems Unite: Spatio-Temporal Boundary and
Transition Issues in the Unification of the Central, Far Eastern and Indic States-Systems” in
C. Chase-Dunn and Hiroko Inoue (eds.) Systemic Boundaries: Time-Mapping Globalization Since the Bronze Age.
New York: Springer Verlag
Wohlforth, William C., Richard Little, Stuart J. Kaufman, David Kang, Charles A Jones, Victoria Tin-Bor Hui,
Arther Eckstein, Daniel Deudney and William L Brenner 2007 “Testing balance of power theory in world history”
European Journal of International Relations 13,2: 155-185.
 For the study of both sociocultural and biological evolution, islands in the middle of large bodies of water such as the Indian Ocean are natural experiments because of their selective histories of invasive species and relative isolation from external influences (Kirch 1984; Singh 2003).
 A translation to English of Beaujard’s work on the Indian Ocean is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press.
 The model of prestige goods systems usually posits a situation in which elites reproduce their own prestige and control by monopolizing the importation of prestige goods that they use to reward subalterns. But the function of prestige goods exchange is different in less hierarchical systems in which prestige goods are used to facilitate interpolity exchange that allows polities to obtain food during periods of scarcity, substituting for raiding (Chase-Dunn and Mann 1998:141-146).
 But if we read Frank and Gills as studying the important continuities of the regional systems that emergeed in Mesopotamia and Egypt their analyses of core/periphery (which they call center/hinterland) relations are quite valuable.