PREFACE
In
discussing how we would preface this
collection
we decided that describing how we
became
interested in seemingly arcane topics
like
prehistoric trade and ancient empires
would
be a good start. We reasoned that a
narrative
of how our interests shifted to such
topics
might entice other social scientists to
join in
our venture. We share values common
to all
students of social change: curiosity
about
how the world came to be as it is, what
forces
and processes keep it that way, and
what --
if anything -- might help change it
for the
better. We were both attracted to,
and
have become active researchers and writers
in, the
world-system perspective. Our paths
to this
common meeting point were distinct,
but
once crossed they have become increasingly
intertwined.
Chase-Dunn began his academic career as
a
quantitoid
sociologist performing
crossnational
research to test propositions
about
the effects of international economic
dependence
in the post-World War II world-
system.
His encounter with the world-systems
perspective
led to an effort to formulate an
explicit
theory of the structures and
processes
of the modern world-system which was
published
as Global Formation: Structures of
the
World-Economy in 1989. In 1986, as he
was
completing
the last chapter of Global
Formation,
Chase-Dunn tried to confront the
problem
of transformation -- how the
contemporary
world-system might change its
fundamental
logic. His earlier work on a
world-systems
interpretation of the emergence
and
reintegration of the socialist states led
to some
tentative conclusions, but he realized
that
the scientific basis for understanding
the
transformation problem would be found in
the
comparison of instances in which whole
world-systems
had undergone transformations of
their
basic logics in the past. The
provocative
essay by Ekholm and Friedman,
"'Capital'
imperialism and exploitation in the
ancient
world-systems" (Review 6,1, 1982)
stimulated
him to write a 140 page manuscript
entitled
Rise and Demise: The Transformation
of
World-Systems which proposed a working
typology
to determine similarities and
differences
between stateless, state-based and
capitalist
world-systems. Though this
manuscript
was circulated among colleagues and
is
cited in some of the chapters in this
collection,
its preliminary nature has delayed
publication.
Chase-Dunn and Hall plan to
rework
and redesign this into a comprehensive
introduction
to the comparative study of
world-systems.
Hall came to world-system theory as a
refugee
from the "my village separate from the
world"
school of anthropology. As is typical
of
graduate student tyros, he did not
appreciate
that this was a dying tradition.
Working
on the Navajo Nation in the early
seventies
pushed Hall into sociology from
anthropology,
and primed him to appreciate
world-system
theory's promise, if not its
delivery,
of a globally and historically
connected
approach to the study of society and
change. Many years of study, rumination, a
dissertation,
and more rewriting than anyone
likes
to admit, led to Social Change in the
Southwest,
1350-1880.
Two of that book's major themes are
germane
to this collection: the
reconceptualization
of incorporation as
something
that starts much earlier, and is
more
profound, than Wallerstein used to
recognize
and a comparative strategy that
examined
the impacts of Mesoamerica (albeit
briefly),
Spain, Mexico, and the United States
on
ethnic relations and group formation in
what
became the U.S. Southwest. That
comparative
strategy was groping toward
examining
both how the "modern world-system"
evolved,
and how it differed from earlier,
precapitalist
world-systems. A subsidiary
interest
developed along the way: How were
the
nomad/sedentary relations Hall was
studying
in Hispanic New Mexico similar to,
and
different from, those that occurred
elsewhere
in the world, especially on the
fringes
of China?
Hall and Chase-Dunn crossed paths for
the
first
time on a BART train from Berkeley to
San
Francisco in the process of getting from
cheap
digs to the 1982 American Sociological
Association
meetings. Over the years we found
an
increasing convergence of interests and
began
to work together. We co-organized an
ASA
round table discussion on "Comparing
World-Systems"
in 1986, and then a series of
panels
and papers at the 1988, 1989, and 1990
annual
meetings of the International Society
for the
Comparative Study of Civilizations
(ISCSC).
After organizing the 1989 ISCSC panels
we
began
to think about putting some of the
papers
together in a collection. Meanwhile,
Social
Change in the Southwest had been
finished
and was published, and Global
Formation
had gone to press, and the out-takes
on
precapitalist world-systems had been
proposed
and accepted at Westview Press as
Rise
and Demise. In our original proposal
for
this
collection Chase-Dunn was going to write
a
theoretical opening, and a chapter exploring
the
idea of stateless world-systems through a
study
of California Indians, and Hall was
going
to push his ruminations on Southwestern
and
Central Asian nomads into presentable
form. In order to do that, Hall had to
rethink,
for the umpteenth time, what a
world-system
is. To complicate, but
tremendously
enrich, his ruminating, Thomas
Barfield
published The Perilous Frontier and
Janet
Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony,
with
the result that we merged our theoretical
musings
into what is now Chapter 1. The
discussion
of California Indians has been
postponed
until more research can be
completed,
and Rise and Demise has become a
joint,
bigger -- and we hope better --
project.
Meanwhile, the Braudel Center's journal,
Review,
has published a somewhat different,
and
considerably longer piece by Andre Gunder
Frank
and a series of articles thinking about
where
world-system theory has been and where
it
might be going (Review 13, 2 Spring, 1990).
A good
deal of the emerging discussion and
debate
is contained in the following pages.
These
circumstances present a reader who is
just
coming upon these issues with a few
obstacles. First, and foremost, almost nobody
has
staked out permanent positions. Rather,
nearly
everyone's thinking and research is
evolving
(dare we use that word?) fairly
quickly. Second, new parties have joined in
these
debates (e.g. Wilkinson, Feinman and
Nicholas,
Peregrine) from very different
theoretical,
disciplinary, and substantive
backgrounds,
and hence with somewhat different
vocabularies,
or even more troubling, the same
vocabularies
with different meanings. So far,
we have
succeeded in talking to, rather than
past,
each other, but not without a lot of
backtracking
to define terms and usages.
Finally,
the attempt to study world-systems
comparatively
has led many of us into new
research
areas and new literatures. This has
been
exhilarating and frightening as we
explore
new territories, learning who's who,
what's
what, and which way is up all over
again. We hope that this collection will
provoke
and inspire others to join us.
We would like to thank the members and
officers
of the International Society for the
Comparative
Study of Civilizations, especially
its
President Michael Palencia-Roth, for
graciously
encouraging us to organize sessions
on
world-systems. We also are indebted to
Mitchell
Weyuker and Joanne Fennessey at Johns
Hopkins
and Catherine Day at DePauw for their
extraordinary
deeds in the preparation of this
book. A grant from DePauw's Faculty
Development
Committee for Completion of
Scholarly
Work substantially assisted in
production
of this volume. At Westview Press
we are
grateful to Dean Birkenkamp and Ellen
Williams.
Chris Chase-Dunn and Tom Hall