Globalization
in Nubia
during the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period
(2000- 1500 B.C.)
Walter de Winter
University of Leiden
The research to the economic function of the
Ancient Egyptian “Second Cataract” Forts, now in present day northern Sudan,
focuses on pottery studies and study to the sealing system that was used during
the Late Middle Kingdom. The abundance of the sealings due to mass production
in contrast with the Early Middle Kingdom points to a globalization leap in
interconnectivity. The system monitored the increased flow of goods, and
reflected a certain administrative control, and the use of economic institutes
like treasuries, granaries, magazines, provisions, “Upper Fort”, Seal of the
Governor, and Seal of Sesostris, with officials attached to that.The adoption
of this sealing system by the Kerma culture during the Second Intermediate
Period suggests trade contacts with Egypt and concurring social changes.
New research could point out that the
adoption of the sealing system could have been not after the Middle Kingdom,
but even during this period due to a chronological shift that shows an overlap
of previously considered successive timeperiods.
Egyptian forts in Lower Nubia, Northern
Sudan
Globalization
Globalization in present times can be regarded as an accelleration of a long term process, that has been research within Wallersteins world system of core periphery interactions, as a process of leaps in connectivity.
According to recent research in globalization processes in ancient societies, the phenomenon can be best described as a result of increasing interregional interactions (Jennings 2011:6) and hybridization (Jennings 2011: 10; Nederveen Pieterse 2004). Examples of ancient globalizations are the expansion of the Uruk culture in the fourth Millennium BC, the Mississippi in the United States, and the Huari culture, a Middle Horizon culture in the south central Andes region.
The Egyptian expansion to Lower Nubia at the beginning of the second millennium BC, has parallels with the increased connectivity that is characteristic for processes that are part of an ancient globalization. The construction of the forts along the Nile in Lower Nubia were initiated by Sesostris III, and the forts maintained a sealing system that points to a constant flow of goods and information between the forts, and the Theban residence up north. It is assumed that these forts functioned in the way that Egypt benefited from the Lower Nubian resources, by the lowering of transport costs (Smith 1995).
The nature of the Egyptian expansion into Lower Nubia is still being debated, in terms of ideology, trade, lowered costs, equilibrium, colonisation and imperialism (ST Smith 1995, Flammini 2009). However, the number of sealings discoverd in the forts could point to mass production during the late Middle Kingdom (Ben Tor 2007: 3), in comparison with the occurence of seals in the First Intermediate Period and early Middle Kingdom. The occurrence of Marl C (Upper Egyptian) pottery in Kerma, could suppose that the Second Cataract Forts played a significant part in the trade between Egypt and Nubia (Bourrieau 1995: 129-130), and the sealing system reflects an administrative standardization to a high degree (Smith 1990: 202), the importance of certain institutes. According to most researches on the Second Cataract Forts, an occupational gap is assumed at the end of the 13th Dynasty, the time when the transmission of the seal system could have taken place (Smith 1998: 224).
The use of a similar sealing system by the Kerma culture during the Second Intermediate Period, suggests an exchange that goes further than merely cultural and economic agents.
Socially, a change was established in Kerma in regard to secondary state formation and the growing power if the Kerman elite (Smith 1998: 226-227), which is actually the second criterium for a globalization leap in ancient societies as suggested by Jennings (2012: 12).
Artist impression of Fort Buhen
Wallerstein’s World-System
According to Jennings (2012), ancient globalizations have been researched as a modern phenomenon that “suddenly” could be spoken of, when it would have attained a certain level that we could call the beginning of modern globalization.
The other model is the idea that globalization is a gradual process that gets faster over a longer period of time. Jennings however has proposed a new view in which he sees globalization as a process of successive explosions of increasing interaction, and therefore globalization identifies multiple periods over time (Jennings 2012: 8-12).
The
world system model of Wallerstein has gained more importance in archaeology
(Kohl 1978, Blanton and Feinman 1984, Rowlands Larsen and Kristiansen 1978,
Champion 1989), in which production, exchange, and consumption are regarded as
unity, structures of inequality, and the combination of social and political
history (Edens 1992 121).
Flammini
summarises Wallerstein's (1974) three assumptions of the modern world system as
follows: Core dominance over the peripheries, secondly are symmetrical exchange
between regions, and trade as the prime cause of social development (Flammini
2008: 50). The problem of this theoretical approach is not always applicable to
non-capitalist societies, that is why the economic dimensions of core periphery
structures is mostly not given attention that it deserves (Edens 1992 121). Then again, the economic character of core
periphery relations is within the authoritative context of structured and class
divided societies that emphasises non-economic into regional forces in which
economic phenomenon is like trade and patterns of consumption are embedded. In
complex societies consumption is linked
with social ties, hierarchy domination and ideology (Edens 1992: 122).
Kohl (1987) is an advocate of the existence of
multiple core areas that integrate with one another, and that mostly the
peripheries were the places of technological innovation (Flammini 2008 :
50-51). Also Edens adheres to this by saying that core periphery relations were
not strong enough to create a world system as such, but he prefers to speak of
centre periphery structures (Edens 1992 134).
Flammini
points out that many ancient core periphery relationships processes in Lower
Nubia fit into the core driven model (2008: 51). She agrees with Chase Dunn and
Hall (1991) in regard to the definition of two different types of relationships
that exist between cores and peripheries. Core periphery differentiation is the
phenomenon of interaction without exploitation by the core, core periphery
hierarchy by which there is a political or economic dominance within the same
system (2008: 51). Nevertheless, emphasizing core domination neglects the
agency of native or local actors (Flammini 2008: 51; Smith 2003). Jennings
however, proposes an adjusted model of the world system, called a comparative
world systems approach (Jennings 2012: 13). He states that Wallerstein's
classical system is too much applied on modern societies, and he proposes a
more limited size of the system, less focus on a dominant core, a more active
role of the periphery, and above all more diverse connections between the two
zones (Jennings 2012: 12-13; Chase Dunn and Hall 1997: 12-15; Earle and D'
Altroy 1989; Kardulias 1999, 2007; Parkinson and Galaty 2007; Peregrine and
Feinman 1996; Schneider 1997; Stein 1999).
The
existence of the semiperiphery specifically defined as an area geographically
located between cores and peripheries that acts as an intermediate Flammini
2008: 51). The Egyptian forts in Lower Nubia could have played a part as such.
The
stratigraphy
The
Second Cataract Forts pose many challenges in research to the function and
motivation of the Egyptian presence during the Middle Kingdom and the Second
Intermetiate Period. Before research can be done properly, one has to take into
account the problems with lacking or the perceived lack of stratigraphy that
makes a diachronic analysis difficult.
The
forts of Buhen and Mirgissa were denuded, and the mixing of the deposits
resulted in a very unreliable context, and in Buhen's case, most of the
non-diagnostic pottery was saved (Smith 1995: 24; Emery et al. 1979: 93-94). In
Mirgissa's Inner Fort, deposits varied from 50 to 20 cm.
Semna
South was completely denuded, but the area around the fort was preserved better
(Smith 1995: 24; Zabkar and Zabkar 1982).
The
stratigraphy at Shalfak, Uronarti and Kumma were excavated in such a way that
research can not rely too heavily on the cultural layers, however at Uronarti,
a distinction has been made between
levels K, and B, and “lower” and “upper level”. In exceptional cases,
objects in the objectlists are registered with an accompanying height level
(Dunham 1967).
At
Askut however, the stratigraphy was preserved to 1.5 m in the Upper Fort and
between 0.2 and 0.5 m in the Southeastern Sector, which provided a much better
horizontal and vertical control of the “spiral stratigraphy” (Smith 1995: 24,
53; Knoblauch 2007: 226). Then again, it is important to make a difference
between the reliability of the date within and outside of structures.
The
inconsistencies in depth of deposits and dating could be explained by, on the
one hand, maintenance of floors, and abandonement of structures elsewhere in
Askut (Smith 1995:53) However, in Uronarti no such restructuring was found (Ben
Tor et al. 1999: 57). In general it is very difficult to make out clearly the
difference between 12th and 13th dynasty deposits, and
between Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period deposits (Ben Tor 2007:
5).
Fort Uronarti
Dating
through the pottery
Hemispherical
cups
Stuart
Tyson Smith's research on Askut, resulted in a continuous four phased pottery
sequence, that is invaluable for the Second Cataract Forts (Knoblauch 2007:
225). Besides that, it provides a context for the synchronization of the Middle
Bronze Age, the Middle Kingdom and the Nubian- Kerma cultures. Research to the
sealing system of the forts also relies on Smith's research (Ben Tor 2007, Ben
Tor/ Allen 1999).
Pottery
has been accepted as the most reliable source for relative dating of
archaeological deposits (Ben Tor 1999: 53). However, Smith based his research
on the so-called Vessel Index of the pottery, in an attempt to bypass the
spiral stratigraphical contex that mainly existed within the barracks
structures at Askut, instead of the vertical relationship of the pottery in
itself. In his research the following sequence could be established in
comparison with Dorothea Arnold's research in Dashur:
Phase
1= Late 12th – Early 13th Dynasty = Dashur 6
Phase
2= Mid 13th Dynasty = intermediate phase between Dashur 6 and 7
Phase
3= Mid to Late 13th Dynasty = Dashur 7
Phase
4= Second Intermediate Period/ Upper Egyptian 17th Dynasty = Upper
Egyptian pottery types. (Knoblauch 2007: 226-228).
One
of the problems is that the publication of the Dashur corpus is not a final
one, and there are many objections to base a Lower Nubian ceramic sequence on a
Lower Egyptian one, in spite of the cultural influences of the Delta on the
forts during the centralized government of the Middle Kingdom. Smith's
assumptions are based on the absence of a regional development of the pottery,
standardization and import from the Delta (Knoblauch 2007: 228-229). Still,
Smith's use of the pottery from Dashur 7 makes sense in regard to the
abandonment of the royal funerary complex of Amenemhat III at the site. This is
an archaeological marker of the transition from the Middle Kingdom to the
Second Intermediate Period (Ben Tor 2004: 28). During the 12th
Dynasty, the rotating garrisons in the forts were being backed up by the
capital near El Lisht in the Delta, so a influx of Lower Egptian pottery in
Lower Nubia is assumed. During the 13th Dynasty, the settlers in the
forts were more independent form the Delta, and had close relationships with
Upper Egypt (Bourrieau 1997).
Knoblauch
proposes the origin of the hemispherical cups with a Vessel Index from
130-140 in Upper Egypt, specifically
Elephantine (von Pilgrim 1996) or Thebes (Moeller and Marouard 2011: 114), and
not the Delta. This results in the dating of certain contexts of the forts to a
later date, in the 17th Dynasty instead of mid-late 13th
Dynasty.
This
is also a complementary statement to the occurence of 17th Dynasty
jars in Building D/ Block VI at Uronarti, in which the major corpus of sealings
were found (Ben Tor/ Allen 1999: 57; Schiestl and Seiler 2012: 675). Knoblauch
however states that the vessel index in itself does not provide a reliable
dating, nor it reflects a specific pottery type (personal communication).
Example of a
hemispherical cup
Tell
el Yahidiya Ware
There
are three pieces of Tell el Yahudiya ware found at Uronarti. At Room F32, Room
26 and the South Passage (Dunham 1967: Figure 1). This pottery was also found
at Askut, and at both sites the ware is belonging to class Pyriform 1b-c (
Smith 2004: 210-212; Ben Tor et al 1999:
58).
According
to Bietak, this specific type of pottery can be dated to the mid-late 13th
Dynasty, as well as Askut (Smith 2004: 210) as Uronarti (Ben Tor 1999: 58), in
relation to Tell el Dab'a in the Delta.
Smith
relates the occurrence of Tell el Yahudiya ware in Askut to the ceramic
evidence at Tell el Dab'a on the one hand, but again to the Vessel Index
128-136 from Arnold and places the date in the advanced 13th
Dynasty, correlating with Dashur complex 7 (Smith 2004: 210).
The
association of this Tell el Yahidiya pottery with hemispherical cups that are
supposedly dated too early, together with assosiated sealings of M3-ib-R' king
of the 14th Dynasty, in Uronarti, proposes a date in that time, and
thus has implications for the supposed abandoning, and the sealing system of
the forts during this time.
“Gilt
ware”
Recently, the material from some of the Second Cataract Forts is being reviewed and researched with a fresh point of view. Christian Knoblauch (Knoblauch, C. 2011 All that glitters: A Case Study of Regional Aspects of Egyptian Middle Kingdom Pottery Production in Lower Nubia and the Second Cataract, Cahiers de la Céramique Egyptienne 9, 167-183) researches the pottery named by Reisner “gilt/gilded ware”, or pottery consisting of a “gilt polish”, “gilt wash” and “gilding”, abbreviated as “GW” in the Pottery Drawing Sheets. Koblauch states that this terminology corresponds to different manufacturing processes (Knoblauch, Cripel 9, 168).
Knoblauch's terminology for
this originally considered to be an independent pottery group as “micaceaous
slipped ware”, categorizes the pottery
according to the application of a slip layer containing mica, which gives the
pottery a romantic “golden” appearance.
This phenomenon occurs at
the Second Cataract Forts, however it is not an indication of a pottery type,
but a trend. Knoblauch concludes that it was a local Nubian adaptation to cover
Egyptian Middle Kingdom pottery with a micaceous layer, and this trend was
relatively short, dating from the Twelfth- Thirteenth Dynasties into the Second
Intermediate Period (Knoblauch, Cripel 9, 176).
Schiestl
and Seiler pottery types
When one goes through
original publications from the excavations for instance from the Nubian Second Cataract
Forts, one can feel lost in the abundance of recorded data. Unfortunately,
Reisner and Wheeler did not always use a standard way to describe the material
that was excavated in the forts during the 1920's and 1930's, and eventually
got published by Dunham and Janssen in 1960 and 1967 (1967 Second Cataract Forts Volume I + II.
Uronarti, Shalfak; Semna- Kumma Mirgissa Boston).
Recently,
Schiestl and Seiler (2012, Volumes I and II) have published a database of
Middle Kingdom pottery from published and unpublished sources. By means of
cross referencing, they provide a new overview on Middle Kingdom Pottery in
Egypt, Nubia and the Levant.
Also
the original Pottery Sheets from Dunham and Janssen (1960) and Dunham (1967)
concerning the Second Cataract Forts were being reviewed and categorized by
Schiestl and Seiler.
From
these, for 46 pottery types (and subtypes) that occur in the Lower Nubian
forts, a (fine) dating range is provided, which makes a diachronic relation
between the forts possible.
Schiestl
and Seiler also deal with certain groups of “hemispherical cups” but unlike
Smith, they only use the types from which a certain degree of standardization
is established, in order to make an attempt to correlate context different from
Tell el Dab'a or Dashur. According to the authors, only shape group I.A.14
(hemisperical cups, group 6) has been identified as with certainty in Lower
Egypt and Lower Nubia (Schiestl and Seiler 2012: 84, 108). However group I.A.12
is also present at the fort of Uronarti.
The
seals themselves
The
high occurrence of scarabs in the Levant and Egypt during the second millennium
BC resulted in research to a reliable chronological typology. This is still
inconclusive due to the stylistic developement, the post quem use of royal
names, their use as heirlooms.
When
one turns to scarab seals in a clear archaeological context, the absolute
dating and historical conclusions are still controversial (Ben Tor 2007: 1-2).
The scarab seals are however very useful in the historical recontruction of the
first half of the second millennium BC, the same time as the second cararact
forts in Lower Nubia. Recent research by Ben Tor can shed light on the
historical background that resulted in the mass production of scarabs during
the Late Middle Kingdom (Ben Tor 2007: 3), and their possible use during the
Second Intermediate Period. It is important to clearly make a distiction
between official seals, private seals, counterseals and royal seals, and seals
portraying a royal name.
Ben
Tor eventually uses very broad definitions for the phases to group the scarabs:
early Middle Kingdom, Late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period.
Together with the new pottery research of Knoblauch and Schiestl and Seiler, it
is possible to give a more precise date to the 2233 scarab sealings that have
been found in situ in Building D at Uronarti (Smith 1998: 222) , and thus has
implications for the dating of the sealings found in other Second Cataract
forts, and the sealings in Kerma.
Ben
Tor (2007) bases her research on the study of Tufnell and Ward (1975) who dated
the seals of Uronarti to the end of the 12th Dynasty (Tufnell 1975:
69). Ryholt and Reisner thought the seals to be dated to the early 13th
Dynasty (Ben Tor 1999: 55). Later research pointed out that the seals from
Uronarti (specifically Building D) would probably date to the advanced 13th
Dynasty/ Early Second Intermediate Period (Ben Tor 2007: 9; Smith 1990:206-207;
Kemp 1986), and specifically the last year(s) of occupation (Ben Tor 1999: 56;
Smith 1990).
Example
of institutional seals
Examples
of counterseals that were found stamped on institutional seals
Ben
Tor (2007) refers to a selection of the many seals in Uronarti, not the entire
corpus. She decribes various design types for the early-and Late Middle
Kingdom, and some types overlap (2007). A review of the seals that she did not
incorporate in her study could be considered, in regard to the stylistic dating
of the seals, and their association with the revised pottery.
There
are several seals found that could date to the Second Intermediate Period,
according to royal name scarabs from Hyksos kings from the 14th-17th
Dynasties (Ben Tor 2007, 2010).
Recent
research on sealings from the Hyskos at Tell Edfu, has pointed out close
similarities between the sealings of Khayan from Tell Edfu and sealings of
Hyksos kings Yabubhar and Shesi/ M3-ib-re, found at Uronarti. Besides that,
sealings of Khayan have been found in Tell Edfu in a closed archaeological
context together with Late Middle Kingdom seals. This points to contacts
between the Hyksos and Upper Egypt, and also a possible overlap of the late 13th
Dynasty and the 15th Dynasty (Moeller and Marouard 2011:109).
At
Kerma, many scarabs have been found in a burial context, dating from the Second
Intermediate period, specifically the late Classic Kerma phase.
At
location K1 at the Western Duffufa (main religious complex), cemetery chapel
KX1, in in from of the door in front of the tumulus KX, 101 types distibuted
over 765 sealings, have been found (Smith 1998; Bonnet 2001; Gratien 1991).
This is in indicator of administrative activity (Reinser 1923: 81-84). Apart
from sealings that reflect local Nubian designs (Gratien 2004: 78), these
sealings have close parallels with the ones found at the Egyptian second
cataract forts. However, the system seems less complex than the system at
Uronarti, that consisted of archival sealing and countersealing.
Examples
of seals found at Kerma, Upper Nubia. One can see clearly the Middle Egyptian style,
and a local Nubian style
According
to Smith (1998: 224) this system could have been transmitted at the end of the
13th Dynasty, during a supposed occupational gap. During the second
intermediate period, it is thought that such sealings were only used in Kerma,
not in Egypt (Ben Tor 2007: 62) apart from some sealings from Uronarti that
could be stylictically attibuted to the Second Intermediate Period (Ben Tor
2007: 47).
This
seems to be an outdated conclusion. With the new pottery research of the forts,
that could point to the 17th Dynasty as a date of the seals in
Building D at Uronarti, together with the overlap of the late 13th
and the 15th Dynasty, this has implications for the chronology of
the Late Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate period in Nubia, and the
ongoing increasing contacts between the Hyksos in the Delta, the Upper Egyptian
Dynasties and Kerma.
Methodology
The
material for this research, the pottery and the seals need first to be
correlated in such a way that several restricted time periods can be
established, that correlate between the rooms of the several forts. The pottery
provides a fine dating, that can be as detailed as “second quarter of the 13th
Dynasty” but sometimes a very broad 11th to 13th Dynasty
date can only be found.
With
the broad dating of the pottery, the research should take the possible dating
of the sealings themselves into account, and this highly depending on cross
referencing with other sites with closed archaeological contexts.
In
the second cataract forts, some pottery consists of Nile clay, that could point
to import from the Delta. One can trace the proportion of
imported cooking wares, storage jars, table wares, etc., in a determined number
of sites, and this can tell you which kind of relationship (immigration, trade,
colonialism, etc.) the forts had with
Lower Egypt. Pottery that would be produced in the region of Upper
Egypt, would be in general consisting of Marl clays. However, a large group of
Marl A3 ware, would have been imported into Nubia (Schiestl and Seiler 2012:
25).
With a vertical analysis you
can study the numerical proportion of imported and locally produced items, or
of specific kinds of imported items, through the different “strata” in the
forts. So you will have a measure of the contacts of one or several sites with
neighbouring regions through different periods. In this case you will know the
temporal distribution of imported items,
but not yet the cause of that, for example trade.
With a horizontal analysis
you can study the numerical proportion of imported or local items, in different sites. You will have a measure
of the contacts of different sites or
geographical areas with neighbouring regions.
If the sample is
representative enough, you can plot the fall off (i.e. a decreasing curve of
number of objects through
different sites) between different sites or areas, and the
characteristics of the
resulting curve can tell you which kind of depositional process (trade,
gift-giving, colonialism,
etc.) was the cause of such curve. (Tebes, personal communication).
This
will also answer the use of the sealing system (archival or not), and the
timeframe of the transmission to Kerma, and insight in the chronology of the
Late Middle Kingdom in regard to the Second Intermediate period, especially the
Theban 17th Dynasty.
The
mass production of the scarab seals during the Late Middle Kingdom/ Second
Intermediate Period, could point to a globalization leap characterised by
interconnectivity. The transmission of the Egyptian sealing system in Kerma, is
a social change, due to the contact with Egypt. Possibly the Egyptian
institutes indicated by the seals remained in use not until the Late Middle
Kingdom, but even during the Second Intermediate period, and maybe were even
adopted as such by the Kerman people.
The
possible prolonged use of the institutes is an indication of the ongoing
Egyptian influence and centralized state that was characteristic of the Middle
Kingdom, and research to this contributes to the chronology of the much debated
timeframe of the Second Intermediate Period, that could be shorter, or a more
contemporary with the Middle Kingdom, than traditionally assumed.
Selected
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