Institute for Research on World-Systems University of California, Riverside Working Paper #2 A VERY SMALL WORLD-SYSTEM IN NORTHERN CALIFORNIA: THE WINTU AND THEIR NEIGHBORS Christopher Chase-Dunn, S. Edward Clewett, and Elaine Sundahl This is an examination of late prehistoric local and regional interaction networks in Northern California. What role did intervillage, intertribelet and interlinguistic group relations play in social reproduction and change? How important were warfare, trade, intermarriage and communications for local group structures? Were there interregional (core/periphery) hierarchies in formation and, if so, how might these have been related to processes of incipient hierarchy formation within the linked groups? The Wintu linguistic group's relations with Hokan speakers (Okwanuchu, Achomawi, and Yana) are the main focus of our research. We also discuss the nature of a larger trading system in Northern California which linked the Pomo/Patwin towns of the south with Wintu and surrounding groups in the north. Archaeological, ethnographic and documentary evidence are used to investigate the geography and sociology of intergroup relations in this small world-system. We tentatively conclude that the local Wintu/Yana interaction was a mild core/periphery hierarchy, and that the larger Northern California trade network was an incipient core/periphery hierarchy in which the southern (Pomo/Patwin) region was gaining more from trade than other participants in the network. Draft: July 14, 1992 Please contact Chase-Dunn at Department of Sociology, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD. 21218; Clewett and Sundahl at Archaeology Lab, Shasta College, Redding, CA. 96049. An earlier version presented at the 57th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Pittsburgh, April 8-12, 1992, Session on Small Scale World-Systems in North America. This research has been partially supported by National Science Foundation Grant #SES-9110853. This paper applies the comparative world-systems perspective to a small scale prehistoric system in Northern California. Our project is to map intervillage, intertribelet and inter-linguistic group networks of interaction. We study the geography of production, exchange, intermarriage and warfare in order to ascertain how these interactions were related to the reproduction or transformation of local social structures. Before describing and analyzing prehistoric Northern California we present a brief overview of some of the main theoretical debates which have emerged in the application of the world-system perspective to premodern systems. The world-systems perspective was developed mainly by sociologists who are trying to explain the development of national societies and changing global patterns in the modern world. This theoretical perspective analyzes the expansion of capitalist production as an intersocietal phenomenon in connection with geopolitical competition in the multicentric interstate system. The "developed" countries are understood as occupying the top positions in the core/periphery hierarchy, a socially structured international stratification order in which peripheral countries are dominated and exploited. What has been called national development in other theories is understood in the world-system perspective as upward mobility in the core/periphery hierarchy. The world-system perspective has found great success as an orienting theoretical perspective and many social scientists have sought to extend its application to ancient or prehistoric socio-economic systems. The focus on intersocietal networks holds the promise of being the basis of a more powerful theory of social evolution. In order to produce such a theory it is important to reformulate world-system concepts in a way which makes systematic comparisons of different world-systems possible. Because these concepts were developed to explain the modern system they need to be reformulated so that comparative studies do not project features which are unique to the modern system on earlier, smaller systems. All intersocietal networks need not exhibit the same features as the modern world-system. If we can agree that intersocietal networks were once small local systems of interaction (but see below), and that world-systems got larger with the development of long distance interaction, then we can abstract from system size and compare the structures of small scale systems with those of larger scale or even global ones. Indeed, a comparative study of world-systems should enable us to sort out structural similarities and differences and to explain why structures change. Definitions of world-systems Several authors restrict the usage of the world-system concept to those intersocietal systems which contain states and cities (e.g. Wilkinson, 1988; Gills and Frank, 1991). Others claim that smaller stateless and classless systems can also be meaningfully studied using world-systems concepts and that including these in the scope of comparison adds useful variation for the understanding of processes of structural transformation. One relevant issue is whether or not a world-system must have a core/periphery hierarchy. Some build this into the definition, while others think it important to study variation in the degree to which different systems have socially structured intersocietal inequalities. Some classless and stateless systems apparently do not have core/periphery hierarchies. Virtually all contending definitions of world-systems claim or imply that the particular kinds of interaction upon which they focus are necessary or systemic, but there are vociferous disputes about the relative importance of specific kinds of interconnectedness. One well-known debate is about the systemic significance of prestige goods exchanges. Immanuel Wallerstein (1974:41-2) contends that the exchange of "preciosities" does not produce important systemic effects. Jane Schneider (1977) and many others (e.g. Friedman and Rowlands, 1977; Blanton and Feinman,1984) argue that prestige goods economies constitute systemic networks because the ability of local leaders to monopolize the supply of these goods is an important source of stability and change in local power structures. Other types of interconnection which are contenders for systemic necessity are bulk-goods exchanges (foods and raw materials used in everyday life by the majority of people), bullion, political protection and regularized military conflict. One problem with trying to be specific about the most important and systemic types of interaction is that these may vary greatly across different kinds of world-systems. Nevertheless, it is important for comparative research to formulate concrete and operationalizable notions of the most important types of connectedness. Spatial boundaries of world-systems Disputes over which kinds of connectedness to stress are related to disagreements over the best way to spatially bound world-systems. Virtually all agree that world-systems are networks of intersocietal interaction, but the type of interaction, the frequency of interaction which constitutes systemness, and the distances over which interactions have important consequences are in great dispute. Some authors claim that there has been a single global world-system on earth for several millennia (e.g. Lenski and Lenski,1987; Gills and Frank, 1991). Lenski and Lenski (1987) argue that, since all known human societies, even nomadic hunter-gatherers, interact with their neighbors, each is connected indirectly with all other societies on earth. But this ignores the problem of "fall-off"-- the degradation of consequences over space. Systemness implies that things which happen in one locality have important consequences for either the reproduction or the change of social structures in another locality. Though everything in the universe is in some way connected with everything else, some of these connections are important and others are rather unimportant. Neighboring foragers (hunter- gatherers) may have important interactions with one another but, in the absence of long-distance communications and transportation, these are unlikely to have important consequences for societies which are great distances away. It is for this reason that most world-system comparativists contend that thousands of small-scale world-systems have merged over the last seventeen millennia to become a single global system. World-system scholars can be arrayed along a continuum of "lumpers" and "splitters." The extreme lumpers are those who see only one global system far back in time (e.g. Lenksi and Lenski,1987; Gills and Frank, 1991; Kehoe, 1992). Among those who agree that the Afroeurasian system was separate from the Mesoamerican system there are still problems about how many separate systems there were in the Americas or in the Old World at different points in time. Extreme splitters are those who focus only on local processes to the exclusion of all more distant connections. The intellectual history of anthropology has moved from extreme lumpers (the diffusionists) to extreme splitters (the cultural ecologists) and now seems to be moving to a middle range which considers local and regional interaction systems. A useful review of these perspectives has been written by Schortman and Urban (1987). The problem of systemness is complicated by the use of very different time scales. Many archaeologists think about interconnections and periods of development in very large, nearly geological, chunks of time. If you wait long enough, something that happens in one locality will eventually have some impact on things very far away. There were important long- distance processes operating even in the paleolithic epoch if we utilize an archaeological time scale. The increasing population density of Asian big game hunters eventually led to the migration of people to the Americas. If the sweet potato had not somehow gotten from Peru to the Hawaiian Islands the large semi-arid regions of the islands would not have been able to sustain dense populations. The diffusion of genetic materials and production technologies can have profound long distance effects even though there are no regularized or frequent interactions between the sending and receiving groups. But do we want to say that "prehistoric" Hawaii and Peru were in the same world- system because of the sweet potato? We don't think so. A notion of systemness should distinguish between endogenous processes which are interactive and systemic on the one hand, and exogenous impacts which may occasionally have large effects on a system but are not part of that system. Climatic changes may have important impacts on human societies, but we do not try to include them in our models of social systems. Similarly, long distance diffusion is an important process which needs to be studied in its own right, and its impact on local systems must be acknowledged and understood, but models of social change which seek to understand the particularities of different kinds of systems must distinguish between endogenous processes and exogenous impacts. Whereas world-system analysts often must remind other social scientists that their time horizons are too short, it is also possible for time horizons to be too long. Archaeologists are the most likely to err in this way because most of their dating methods have confidence intervals which are rather large. A generalized version of the approach to time scale taken by David Wilkinson(1988) and Charles Tilly (1984) will probably turn out to be quite useful for empirically bounding world-systems. Wilkinson defines interconnectedness in terms of "regularized" military conflict, by which he means political/military interactions which are perceived by the actors as likely to be repeated. Wilkinson does not count a connection which is constituted by a single war, as Alexander's invasion of India. Only when two entities repeatedly engage in military confrontations does he consider them to be parts of the same system. Tilly (1984:62) proposes another interaction-based notion of connectedness: the actions of power holders in one region of a network (say within a year) and visibly (say in changes actually reported by nearby observers) affect the welfare of at least a significant minority (say a tenth) of the population in another region of the network. While the particular cutoffs suggested by Tilly are obviously somewhat arbitrary, any mode of empirically bounding intersocietal interactions will be forced to adopt conventions of this kind. Such cut-offs would need to be specified for exchange networks of bulk goods and prestige goods as well. Wilkinson's criterion of regularization needs to be added to the network cutoffs suggested by Tilly in order to exclude one-shot actions (Alexander again). The Lenski's observation that all societies interact with their neighbors cannot be used to support the notion of a single global system for tens of thousands of years because of the drop-off factor. Small Scale World-Systems Some scholars argue that the word "world" necessarily implies a global scale. We contend that intersocietal interaction networks should be studied empirically within the dimensions in which they actually have existed. The modern world-system is global because the material, social and political structures which directly impinge upon the lives of individuals are global networks of interaction. You only need to think about where your food comes from to verify this fact. We want to examine intersocietal interaction systems among foragers -- hunter-gatherers. In many evolutionary typologies hunter-gatherers are typified as small-scale nomadic groups with egalitarian social structures and very simple divisions of labor. This conceptualization of hunter-gatherer societies has been revised in recent years (Brown and Price,1985). Many foraging peoples who lived in ecological settings in which resources were not widely separated in space developed sedentary and complex social structures. This observation contradicts those evolutionary theories which assume or imply that farming is a necessary prerequisite for sedentism and complexity. The attributes of sedentism, territoriality, complexity and hierarchy are often assumed to go together, but ethnographic and archaeological evidence show that these are found in various mixes. The maritime societies of the northwest coast of North America combined all of these features, as did some of the Athabascan societies of northwestern California. The prehistoric foraging societies of Central California had sedentism, territoriality, and complexity, but they exhibited less hierarchy than the "big man" societies of the Northwest Coast. These egalitarian but territorial societies provide a fascinating subject for the examination of intersocietal networks. Interaction networks among sedentary foragers not in contact with more hierarchical systems were relatively localized and small scale. In many such systems there were no regularized long distance trading expeditions. Each group traded, married, and fought primarily with its neighbors or the neighbors of neighbors. The effects of interaction processes fell off rather quickly. Goods may have moved long distances through "down-the-line" trade -- passing from group to group, but the primary interactions which had large consequences for these groups did not extend very far in space. As soon as long- distance trade emerged, the scale of networks greatly increased. The development of transportation technologies: beasts of burden, boats, etc. expanded the size and importance of interconnection networks greatly. Our purpose is to examine the interconnection networks in one small scale system in order to understand the relationships between different kinds of interconnection and to examine certain propositions which have been hypothesized by comparative world-systems scholars. Ideally we would like to be able to generalize our findings to other small scale systems, but we recognize that such generalizations are problematic and need to be supported by studies of other sedentary foragers. The primary locus of our study is Northern California, the north end of the Sacramento Valley and its surrounding foothills and mountains. This region was populated by foragers (hunter-gatherers) some of whom lived in permanent villages most of the year. Unlike most ethnographically studied hunter- gatherers, these peoples had no contact with states prior to the arrival of the Europeans in the early nineteenth century, and unlike most ethnographically known foragers, they occupied ecologically prime sites. Most of the foragers which have been studied by anthropologists are nomadic because they have been pushed into ecologically marginal regions by more hierarchical peoples. Before the emergence of hierarchical social systems many foragers lived in sites in which nature was so productive as to allow relatively dense and sedentary occupation. Isolation allowed such societies to survive until 160 years ago in Northern California. The study of these relatively sedentary foragers has important implications for our understanding of egalitarian world-systems. Northern California is a fruitful region in which to study a small scale world-system because we have a great deal of both ethnographic and archaeological evidence. The ethnographic studies carried out in the early decades of this century by Alfred Kroeber and his colleagues and students at the University of California at Berkeley have been mightily criticized, but these still represent the largest and best corpus of ethnographic and linguistic research on any region occupied by sedentary foragers. This region has also been the focus of a great deal of archaeological research since the 1930s. The Wintu and their neighbors The Wintu people are speakers of a language of the Penutian linguistic stock. At the time of the arrival of Europeans the Wintu occupied the northern end of the Sacramento Valley near the present city of Redding and some of the surrounding foothills and mountains. Like most other native Californians, the Wintu had a diversified and relatively intensive mode of foraging. They hunted small and big game, gathered plants, roots, seeds, acorns and insects. They fished, especially for the salmon which were seasonally plentiful in the rivers along which they lived. The Wintu, like other California groups, had a relatively high population density even though they lived in rather small villages. The largest villages contained about 250 people, but these were located rather closely to one another along the rivers and creeks, so that population densities were comparatively high. Precontact population density in California is thought to have been the highest in North America north of the valley of Mexico. Like other Northern California Indians, the Wintu did not plant and they did not make pots. Their diversified and intensified form of foraging has been called "protoagriculture" by Bean and Lawton (1976) because of the methods they used to increase and sustain the resources they were harvesting from nature. Though pots were not used, California Indian women produced beautiful and very functional basketry. Some of these baskets were so tightly woven that they were used for water- carrying and cooking. Linguistic and archaeological evidence (Whistler, 1977; Clewett and Sundahl,1990) suggest that the ancestral Wintu migrated into California from southwestern Oregon about 1200 years ago. They first established themselves along the banks of the Sacramento River in the Sacramento Valley. This wave of immigrating Penutian speakers included the people which are known ethnographically as the Wintu, Nomlaki (Central Wintun) and the Patwin. The Wintu occupied the west side of northern Sacramento Valley, while the Nomlaki and the Patwin occupy the river banks and the west side of the valley down to the delta area near San Francisco Bay. Archaeologists identify the ethnic Wintu with an archaeological assemblage known as the Shasta Complex. Sundahl (1986) has periodized the history of the Shasta Complex into three phases. She dates the earliest phase as running from Wintu settlement in the early 700s to about A.D. 1200. The basic elements of the Shasta Complex are visible in the archaeological record for this period -- bows and arrows, bone- tipped harpoons and hopper mortars for grinding acorns. Other attributes which distinguish the earliest phase from later ones are obsidian Gunther Barbed arrow points with small squarish stems, winged obsidian drills, spire-lopped Olivella beads and Glycymeris beads. The second phase (A.D. 1200 to A.D. 1600) adds several new features: contracting stem Gunther points, Desert Side-notched points, obsidian blanks, larger drills and sandstone arrow smoothers. During this period James Bennyhoff and Richard Hughes (1987) have argued that the Wintu were linked into a prestige goods network which traded Olivella and Glycymeris beads from the northwestern California coast across Wintu territory, up the Pit River into the Great Basin of Nevada. This trade network is thought to have peaked between A.D. 700 and A.D. 1500. The third phase of the Shasta Complex (A.D. 1600 to the contact period) is characterized by the addition of the Redding subtype of the Desert Side-notched point, an unnotched triangular point (allegedly used for war arrows), a narrow drill, incised pebbles, biconically drilled pebble pendants, a charmstone form featuring thumb-sized concavities criss-crossed with numerous scratches, and clam shell disc beads. This last artifact demonstrates the incorporation of the Wintu into a new trade network. The clam shell disk beads, manufactured primarily by the Pomo, are the hallmark of Phase 2 of the Central California Late Horizon. This trade network, linking central and northern California, emerged about A.D. 1500 and reached Redding not long after that. The pattern of social organization in most of the Sacramento Valley was based on the tribelet, which consisted of one or more ambilateral extended kinship groups with patrilocal tendencies. There was generally an absence of lineage emphasis among these highly flexible, fluid residential groups. Wintu kinship terminology is generally classed with the Omaha system. The twenty-seven kinship terms used by the Wintu stress the gender distinctions of the relative, cross- vs. parallel relatives, lineal vs. collateral, and some generational differences. The use of the same terms for father's brother and step-father, and for mother's sister and step-mother reflect the practices of the levirate and sororate. The inclusion of the father's brother's wife and mother's sister's husband, respectively, under the same terms, suggests the frequent marriage of a pair of siblings to a pair of siblings. A series of taboos governed relationships between a man and his mother-in- law, his sisters, nieces, and female cousins, which meant that almost all one's blood relative of the opposite sex fell into the respect categories. This parallels the doctrine under which marriage between cross-cousins and parallel cousins was forbidden (DuBois,1935:56-63; Bean, 1978:675). The Wintu were politically organized into independent tribelets, usually consisting of a single village, but sometimes composed of groups of two or three villages under the authority of a single headman or chief. There was no formal organization above the level of tribelet, but tribelets often cooperated with one another on specific projects or came together for celebrations and religious ceremonies. Occasionally a chief would have alliances in many tribelets across a wide area, but this was not accompanied by formal institutionalization of a wider inheritable chiefly authority. Recent reinterpretations of native Californian societies have stressed the importance of those aspects of hierarchy which were present, claiming that Kroeber and his students systematically ignored evidence of hierarchy. Certainly some families had more wealth and status than others. The eldest sons of chiefs were expected to take up the duties of leadership, but they did not always choose to do so. Those sons of chiefs with poor oratorical skills or other undesirable characteristics were not given the position of chief. The chief collected goods from villagers for use in trading with outsiders and for settling disputes, but the acorn granaries were not the property of the chief. The granaries were drawn upon by all families, and it was the duty of the chief to see that each obtained a fair share.The Wintu often burned most of the shell bead-money, baskets and other property of a rich man or woman at their death or buried it with the with the deceased. This dramatically constrained the accumulation of resources through inheritance (DuBois, 1935:66). Some men and women had specialized vocations which enabled them to gather more resources and prestige than others. Craft specialists were respected and so were those who cultivated spiritual powers and techniques of healing. But, though the doctors were well paid and praised when they successfully cured a patient, a series of unsuccessful efforts or suspicion of witchcraft could lead to the death of a shaman at the hands of his or her clients. Some scholars have emphasized the extent to which inequalities between richer and poorer families can be understood as constituting an incipient or emergent class system. Though chiefly power was primarily based on charismatic authority which was dependent on the assent of the followers, chiefs did have greater access to social resources because of their wider kin networks. Chiefs often had more than one wife, and it was typical for a third or fourth wife to be from relatively distant tribelets. These kinds of connections gave chiefs a wide kin network on which too draw when support was needed. The central role of chiefs in intergroup relations, as representatives and leaders, undoubtedly gave them advantages over other people within their villages (Jackson,1986). Since chiefs were given shares of food and other necessities by all families they rarely needed to engage in strenuous labor for themselves. In these respects the Wintu undoubtedly had somewhat more intragroup inequality than nomadic foragers, but they definitely had less inequality than class-organized societies or complex chiefdoms. There were no formal rankings of lineages, as found among the Northwest Coast societies, and far less emphasis on private property and distinctions of wealth. Though celebrations and trade feasts (see below) displayed some of the aspects of "big man" systems, this did not take on the more extreme forms of accumulation and conspicuous consumption which many big man systems exhibited. If this kind of redistribution system was developing in central California, it was only in its very early stages. The Wintu, like other California Indians, engaged in important interactions with neighboring groups. Some of these neighbors were other Wintu villages or tribelets, but others were non-Penutian speakers. The Wintu linguistic group is surrounded by nine other linguistic groups. Ideally we would like to study all of these in order to see the whole pattern of interaction in this regional system. But such a study is beyond our resources, so we have decided to focus on Wintu interactions with those speakers of the Hokan linguistic stock which were located to the north (Okwanuchu), the northeast (Achomawi) and the east (Yana). Wintu trade was really a part of a diversified strategy of food and raw material procurement and ought to be described and analyzed as such. While each household procured most of its own food and raw materials directly from nature, a significant and structurally important share of the necessary food and materials were obtained from other households within the village and from other villages within the home tribelet. The main way in which food was traded was through the institution which Vayda (1967) called the "trade feast." During a time of economic abundance a chief would send out runners to invite neighboring and distant allied chiefs to bring their people to a "big time." On the appointed day the guests would arrive in groups and the host would announce the names of the invited chiefs as they approached. The celebration consisted of dances, meals and religious ceremonies, often going on for several days. Trading and gift-giving was usually held to the last, at which time the host would give piles of food for guests to take home in exchange for whatever contributions they would choose to make, usually payment in shell-bead "money" or other goods. Trading of food among villages and tribelets also occurred at special intermediate locations between regions. A group with a surplus of something would send a message to another group to meet at a midpoint for trade. Vayda (1967) and Chagnon (1970) argued that trade feasts and other forms of exchange were mechanisms which allowed villages to tap in to the surpluses of neighbors during times of shortage. This was a hedge against bad years in which, for one or another reason, the local acorns (or other resources) were scarce. Such a mechanism allows a large sedentary population to live in an area by equalizing the distribution of resources across time and space. Trade also established alliance relationships which could be mobilized for other purposes such as support in warfare, future marriages. etc. Groups occupying different ecological zones engaged in complementary exchange. What Goldschmidt (1951:336) says of the Nomlaki Wintun was probably also was true of the Wintu just to the north: The trading between the foothill Wintun on the one hand and the valley groups on the other was a transfer of the surplus produce of one environment for the different produce of another. The important articles of transfer in this east-west trading were pine nuts, acorns, mountain seeds and animals from the foothill people for salmon and river animals from the valley. Warfare was not a frequent or specialized practice, but it played a significant role in the maintenance and change of territorial boundaries. Tribelets held communal property in the sense that particular areas were claimed for hunting and gathering activities. If people from another tribelet wanted to procure resources from an area they were required to obtain permission from the headman or chief and this was often facilitated by the presentation of gifts. Use of a tribelet's territory without permission was defined as trespass and was the cause of grievance and, sometimes, conflict. If someone were accused of trespass or some other crime the offended chief would request payment from the chief with authority over the offender. In cases of wrongful death a somewhat standardized "blood payment" would be demanded. If this was not forthcoming, the next step was most often a "line war." Line wars constituted a mechanism for resolving conflicts through the use of threats and regulated violence. Warriors from the two tribelets would meet at an agreed upon spot dressed in war gear and ready to do battle. The two chiefs would then negotiate a bit more. If they could reach agreement as to restitution the "battle" was called off. Otherwise the two sides would position themselves and hostilities would begin until one or more warriors were injured. Then discussions were reconvened to see if an agreement could now be reached. If not, there were more hostilities until it was possible to conclude a settlement. Line wars occurred both among Wintu of different tribelets and between Wintu and non-Wintu tribelets. While this institution underlines the absence of higher "tribal" authority, it also shows that conflictual relations among tribelets were regulated in a manner which reduced the amount of destruction which would accompany a less ritualized form of warfare. However, there was also another kind of warfare. Sometimes one group would raid the village or villages of another group, burning houses, killing residents and taking captives. This more destructive form of warfare was, we think, more likely to occur between groups who regarded one another as permanent enemies and who were engaged in competition for territory. Intermarriage across tribelet and linguistic boundaries was an important mechanism for facilitating alliances. As Dubois (1935:56) says, "There was no rule of exogamy, but the closeness of relationship within a local group often fostered marriages outside the village. Gatherings included villages of the same or adjoining subareas and therefore extravillage marriages were generally contracted on these occasions." Many of the marriages across non-contiguous tribelets and across linguistic boundaries involved headmen or chiefs marrying their third or fourth wives. In this manner the leading families of different areas could become linked, and this was important for resource- sharing or for mobilizing support in a battle. Linguistic differentiation is an important and fascinating characteristic of Native Californian societies. Even within the Wintu linguistic group there were important regional differences in dialect. The Hokan speakers, neighbors of many Wintu tribelets, spoke a tongue from a completely different linguistic family. This linguistic situation certainly limited the flow of information across groups in California, and yet multilingualism, especially among chiefly families, was an important part of the intergroup communications structure. We have here a curious combination of intense cultural localism in which groups strongly emphasized the superiority of their ways over those of their immediate neighbors, and yet the local segments were tied into larger regional interaction networks so tightly that the whole system would not have been possible without these ties. The main key of this local/cosmopolitan structure was the institution of chiefly polygyny in which second or third wives came from distant villages. This enabled chiefs to learn "foreign" dialects and languages, to communicate with distant chiefs and to forge alliances which were the basis of intergroup cooperation. The Wintu and their neighbors were part of a larger intersocietal prestige goods economy which linked them with distant groups. The most archaeologically visible trade items include obsidian and beads made of seashells. Early in Wintu history, prior to A.D. 1500, these shell beads included Olivella biplicata, Glycimerus, and Haliotis, which served primarily as decorations. Trade in these beads, however, appears to have been occasional and not of vital importance to the Wintu. After A.D. 1500 and extensive network developed based on clamshell disk beads which included most of the ethnic groups in northern California. The clams, primarily the species Saxidomus nutalli, were collected in Bodega Bay by the Coast Miwok and Pomo and were fashioned by craft specialists into disk beads. Whole shells were traded to the Patwin, who also manufactured beads. These beads differed from those traded earlier in that they were considered to be money and had specific value which increased with distance from the source. Among the Pomo, for instance, a good imported bow was valued at 4000 beads, while among the Wintu it might be worth 40 to 60 beads (DuBois, 1935:27; Loeb, 1926: 178). The Wintu were on the southern periphery of a second trading network which dealt in Dentalium shells. Based on archaeological research this appears to have been of relatively minor importance compared to the trade in clam disk beads. Network Boundaries What questions does the comparative world-systems perspective ask about this small scale system? The first set of questions are about the geography of intergroup interactions. We call this system small, but exactly what was the spatial scale of trade, warfare, settlement systems, communications and intermarriage within which Wintu villages were embedded. Ideally we would like to map the networks of involvement which linked Wintu households, villages and tribelets with each other and with their non-Wintu neighbors. This would mean knowing all the material, cultural, cooperative and conflictive patterns of interaction. In the modern world-system a map of the material links which connect you with the global economy could begin with your breakfast. Unlike the Wintu, you probably did not yourself produce much of what you ate. The "commodity chains" which link the food you ate to the labor and resources of others may go primarily and directly to truck farms, dairy farms and poultry farms within your own state, but it is probable that some of your breakfast was grown on other continents. The fuel used to produce food on local farms is likely to have come a long way. It would not take very many links to trace your material connections with people all over the globe. What we want to do is to map these material linkages for a small scale system in Northern California. We are not dealing with "commodity chains" because there were no commodities or true markets, but there were institutions which facilitated sharing and exchange. If trade and direct food procurement are interlinked we need to understand the spatial nature of both. For each household, where did all the food consumed in a year come from? What percentages of which kinds of food, materials and finished goods were obtained by direct procurement and processing, and by exchange or sharing, and who were the exchange or sharing partners? Most households produced most of their own food by directly appropriating it from the natural environment. Almost all men hunted or fished and every woman gathered. The spatial nature of these activities are fairly well understood. Spring and summer expeditions to temporary camps were undertaken by most of the people. Families and village co- residents collectively accumulated stocks of acorns, dried salmon and dried deer meat for use during the winters. This, of course, involved households in a net of sharing with other village members. Hunting groups also shared kills with co- villagers according to a customary division. Occasional multiple-village hunting, fishing or gathering events were another institution which linked villages in sharing networks. Deer were sometimes hunted by groups of men from several different villages. Fishing, especially during the spring and fall salmon runs, was undertaken by large groups composed of people from many villages. Sometimes an especially big "harvest" of clover would prompt an invitation for the gathering of people from many distant villages. These instances of sharing resources in collective hunting or gathering functioned like the trade feasts discussed above. Temporary concentrations of resources allowed some groups to build alliances and create obligations among other groups in other areas. In another year in which local resources were short such obligations would be repaid. There was no hard and fast distinction between "trade" and "gift-giving" among these people. All exchanges -- sharing without immediate recompense and exchange of goods -- were undertaken as a way to create and sustain alliances as well as to obtain resources. Everyone wanted to be known as generous. People who were ungenerous quickly acquired a bad reputation, and this could have been a life-threatening liability in a system in which the moral order was the main glue which held society together. Individual people were dependent on their families and co-villagers for survival, and villages were dependent on other villages for their long-term viability. We know that the Wintu sometimes acquired raw materials or finished goods through trade, but they also occasionally went on long-distance procurement treks. Exchange was with either contiguous tribelets or with tribelets contiguous with contiguous tribelets. There were no long- distance trading expeditions that we know of. Almost all formal trade and gift-giving was undertaken by chiefs. Chiefs asked people from their tribelet to contribute to the stock of goods to be traded or given and they carried out the "bargaining" and exchanges. By this method finished goods and raw materials moved long distances. Most of the obsidian used by the Wintu in the Redding area was obtained from local outcroppings of Tuscan obsidian, but some of the obsidian used by Wintu came from much more distant sources (Sundahl, 1984). The Wintu were an important link in the flow of two kinds of shell-bead money. Clam disk beads were manufactured primarily by the Pomo near Clear Lake and were used in the exchange of goods among Indians up and down the Central Valley. The Wintu were also part of the northern dentalium shell trade network which moved shells from the region Vancouver Island on the Northwest Coast of Canada. In late prehistoric Wintu sites the Dentalia shells are rather rare, while clam disk beads are very common. Regarding the clam disk bead network Davis (1974:10) reports that these beads moved north from the Pomo in exchange for a southern flow of "pelts, sinew-backed bows and stonework." Davis also reports Goldschmidt's (1951:336-7) conclusion that "the Central and Northern Wintun (Wintu) acted as middle-men in this exchange, contributing little or nothing to the flow except perhaps the regrinding of imperfect shell beads, yet profiting from the opposing streams of diffusion." Core/Periphery Relations The second set of questions is about the existence or non- existence of core/periphery relations in Northern California. The matter of intersocietal hierarchy needs to be addressed at two levels: the relationships between the Wintu and their immediate neighbors; and the nature of the larger inter-regional interaction sphere in which the Wintu were located. Chase-Dunn and Hall (1991) hypothesize that core/periphery hierarchies are not likely to exist in world-systems in which the constituent societies have not developed internal stratification. The existence of states are thought to be a necessary prerequisite to the establishment of stable intersocietal domination and exploitation. Chase-Dunn and Hall (1991: 18-21) distinguish between core/periphery differentiation and core/periphery hierarchy. Intersocietal differentiation simply means that two or more societies which have different degrees of complexity, size of polities, or hierarchy are linked to one another through important interactions within the same world-system. Intersocietal hierarchy requires that one or some of the linked societies be exploiting or dominating other societies. In the greater scope of comparison among small scale, middle size and global world-systems it might be easy to conclude that the intersocietal system in Northern California did not exhibit either core/periphery differentiation or core/periphery hierarchy. All of the groups within this region had somewhat similar levels of social complexity and internal hierarchy because they were all foraging societies. There were no urban/rural or even farmer/forager interactions. Thus there is no great degree of core/periphery differentiation. As for intergroup exploitation or domination, if these were present they would seem to have been minimal compared to the tribute extraction and economic exploitation to be found in more hierarchical intersocietal systems. But this first take does not answer all the questions which the world-system perspective might pose about core/periphery relations in this small scale system. When we look more closely we find that there were important aspects of Wintu social organization which differentiated them from their Hokan- speaking neighbors. Were these significant enough to impact upon the interactions between these groups? Also, if intergroup interactions were relatively egalitarian, what were the factors which allowed this situation to be reproduced? Was it simply a matter of population density and intrasocietal hierarchy not having reached a level at which intersocietal inequalities and exploitation were possible, or were there institutional mechanisms which reproduced intergroup egalitarianism? In studying similarities and differences between the Wintu and their neighbors it would be desirable to have a fairly exact understanding of the settlement systems and the seasonal patterns of resource usage. Clewett and Sundahl(1982) have interpreted archaeological data from the regions occupied by Wintu and Hokan-speakers to indicate two different patterns of subsistence and land use (see Figure 1). The Wintu are thought to have led a more sedentary existence in the sense that they spent a greater part of the year in relatively large and permanent riverine villages. Their pattern of settlement and subsistence is depicted in the upper frame (Riverine Fishing People) of Figure 1. The archaeological assemblage which is identified with this subsistence pattern in termed the "Shasta Complex." The Hokan speakers exhibited a somewhat less sedentary and upland subsistence pattern which is illustrated in the bottom half of Figure 1. Clewett and Sundahl have referred to this pattern as the "Tehama Pattern" or the "milling stone people." Rather than making intensive usage of the riverine environment, the milling stone people visited riverine sites annually for short periods, spending the greater part of the year in upland hunting sites in which their main semi-permanent villages were located. On the basis of linguistic, ethnographic, and archaeological evidence Clewett and Sundahl (1982) conclude that the Shasta Complex is the archaeological equivalent of the Wintu, and the Tehama Pattern was the subsistence/settlement pattern used by the neighboring Hokan speakers, especially the Yana. (Figure 1 about here) The subsistence models which differentiate these two different patterns of resource usage imply corresponding differences between settlement systems. Wintu villages should be bigger on the average, located on major fish-bearing rivers, and located relatively closely to one another. Yana villages should be smaller, located on small creeks rather than large rivers, and relatively farther from one another. We also expect that permanent (winter) Wintu villages will exhibit a two- tiered settlement system in which each larger village will be surrounded up and down river by two or three smaller villages, and each large village will have a dance house (ceremonial center). For Hokan-speakers we expect to find no systematic size hierarchy of villages. This means that the size distribution of their villages across space will not follow any systematic order. The subsistence pattern differences between the Wintu and the Hokan-speakers show up in the archaeological record as different cultural assemblages, though these differences became somewhat jumbled because of local diffusion. The Wintu more intensively exploited fishing, and this shows up in the archaeological record in the form of bone-tipped harpoons. The Wintu also brought in a different method for grinding acorns -- the hopper mortar -- and they exploited acorns more intensively than the Hokan-speaking groups. The Hokan groups primarily used manos and metates for grinding seeds -- thus the "milling stone" label. The key difference indicated by these contrasting tool kits is the Wintu's greater sedentism based on food storage. We are particularly interested in boundaries between groups and interactions across such boundaries. Thus we want to investigate the reported existence of "buffer zones" and or "neutral territory." It has been surmised by Johnston (1978) that there was a "no man's land" along the east side of the Sacramento River between Central Wintun (Nomlaki) and Yana settlements, and that this served as a buffer zone between the two groups. DuBois (ref) reports a "no man's land" east of Squaw Creek between the Wintu and Achumawi. An approximate 10-mile wide area lying between the Yana and the Wintu was an area of contention between them with both groups claiming the area. This was the area in which the Tuscan obsidian sources were located, and Sundahl (1984:122) suggested that this important resource may have been one of the factors leading to the territorial dispute. Sundahl and Clewett (1985:80) conclude that the ancestral Yana probably pushed the ancestral Achomawi out of this region several thousand years ago. In other areas of California ethnographers have reported the existence of "neutral territories" which no group claimed and which were available for exploitation by any group which chose to do so (Heizer and Treganza,1971:356). Buffer zones and neutral ground have rather different implications for processes of intergroup interaction. Buffer zones imply groups that are in violent conflict, and that they reduce destructive consequences by forgoing settlement in intervening territory. Neutral territory implies a more pacific and cooperative system. We also want to investigate possible differences in Wintu relations between different non-Wintu groups. Archaeological and linguistic evidence implies that the Penutian-speaking Wintu were relatively late arrivals in Northern California, and that they were slowly displacing Hokan-speakers to the north, northeast and east (Whistler, 1977; McCarthy et al 1985). If this is so we can expect that especially conflictual relations may have been the rule between the Wintu and Hokan speakers, but other evidence indicates that this displacement may have been taking place in different ways in different regions. Wintu relations with the Yana were ethnographically known to have been quite conflictual. The Wintu regarded the Yana as their traditional enemies and the Wintu name for the Yana means Eastern Enemy. Raid-type battles between Wintu and the Yana have been reported. James Dotta (1980) interprets the existence of a string of small villages along the Wintu/Yana border as a defensive picket line which was intended to protect the Wintu heartland from attack. On the other hand, Wintu relations with a different group of Hokan-speakers, the Okwanuchu, appear to have been much less conflictual even though the Wintu were probably also displacing the Okwanuchu. We expect that Wintu expansion was occurring in several different ways. One way was for the Wintu to establish villages within the seasonal use regions of other groups. If the Hokan-speakers were not exploiting riverine resources on a year-round or lengthy basis, the Wintu could establish a new village upriver from existing Wintu villages in traditionally Hokan territory during the season of Hokan absence. If the Hokan-speakers decided to contest this new presence on their return, the Wintu could call upon adjacent Wintu villages for help. Because the Wintu population density was four or five times higher and because the Wintu tended to intermarry in to more distant villages than the Hokan speakers did, the Wintu would have been able to concentrate a larger number of warriors than the Hokan speakers should a dispute turn to violence. A story about an instance of just this kind has been reported (Merriam, 1955:16). The Yana attacked a small fringe Wintu village on the Pit River near Clickapudi Creek. Escapees from the attack spread the word, and within hours Wintu converged on the site from as far away as Hayfork. In addition to our hypotheses about differences between Wintu and Hokan settlement systems, we expect to find differences in kinship politics and intermarriage patterns which would have given the Wintu an edge in warfare. But there are other processes by which the Wintu might have spread into formerly Hokan territories. It is reported that in some regions people spoke both Wintu and Hokan languages. It is possible that either Wintu men married non-Wintu women and moved in to these areas, or Wintu women married non- Wintu men. Either way (or both ways) a formerly Hokan village would become "Wintuized." This kind of Wintuization could occur without conflict, and in fact it would require good relations. Guilford-Kardell and Dotta (1980) report the presence of villages on the Upper McCloud, the northern limit of Wintu expansion, in which both the Wintu and Okwanuchu languages were spoken. We hypothesize that Wintu expansion was occurring by both Wintuization and the establishment of new villages and we intend to examine evidence which can shed light on these different forms of expansion. How do the above discussions reflect back on our questions about core/periphery relations? Couldn't it be argued that when one groups is displacing another by taking territory this constitutes a type of core/periphery hierarchy? If this is so perhaps the Wintu should be described as a core people surrounded by peripheral non-Wintu hill dwellers? Some of the things said by other scholars would seem to support such a characterization. A case could certainly be made for core/periphery differentiation based on the indicated differences between Wintu and Hokan settlement system, population density and intermarriage patterns. Though all the players were foragers, the Wintu system of foraging concentrated on the harvesting and accumulation of salmon flour. This important source of protein was quantitatively superior to the food stores of other groups. This enabled the Wintu to support larger populations, to trade more, and to have greater population growth. Foragers need to be especially careful about population growth because a larger number of mouths to feed means greater pressure on resources, and natural resources are easily depleted when a society is completely dependent on harvesting nature. Many hunter- gatherers institutionalize population control through infanticide or birth control practices. It is likely that the Hokan-speakers regulated population increase more severely than the Wintu did. But core/periphery differentiation does not necessarily include core/periphery hierarchy. Indeed the two conditions are at least hypothetically independent. Societies of unequal size and degree of hierarchy can engage in interaction without the larger exploiting the smaller. It is also possible to find intersocietal exploitation among societies at nearly the same level of complexity and with the same degree of hierarchy (e.g. the Nuer-Dinka relationship studied by Kelly, 1985). Exploitation requires some advantage, but that may not be due to size or complexity. We know of cases in which less-stratified and less complex societies extracted resources from more complex and stratified ones -- the steppe horse-nomads of Central Asia are perhaps the best known example (Hall, 1991). Did the Wintu/Hokan relationship constitute a core/periphery hierarchy? We do not think that the Wintu extracted resources from the Hokan peoples through unequal exchange or by coercive threats. The trade that existed across this linguistic boundary probably involved fairly equal exchanges because the Wintu did not exercise political power over Hokan peoples in a way which might bias the terms of trade. The Wintu did not have a monopoly over anything needed by the Hokan speakers which might have served as a basis for unequal exchange. The Wintu did not, to our knowledge, raid the Hokan-speakers for captives more than they were raided by the Hokan-speakers for captives. But the Wintu were expanding into Hokan territories at the expense of Hokan-speaking groups. Does this constitute exploitation or domination in the usual sense? It might be argued that the "resource" which was being extracted was land itself -- the most crucial of resources for foragers. If we are willing to consider this as a form of core/periphery exploitation then it is important to determine the rate of Wintu expansion. As we have already stated, Wintu were at first exploiting the environment in a different but overlapping way. To some extent their occupation of the Sacramento Valley, especially the sites along the major rivers, was a movement into a niche which was not already fully occupied. But the Wintu expanded until they reached the point where they spilled out of the main valley over into the mountainous drainage of the Trinity River, and they were pushing up the tributaries of the Sacramento River into mountainous regions. These movements into mountainous regions were more invasive and more disruptive of the round of subsistence carried on by their neighboring groups. The Wintu expansion deep into the Trinity drainage can be contrasted with their rather limited penetration up the Sacramento and the Pit Rivers. Despite the attraction of the salmon runs up these major rivers the Wintu did not penetrate very far into the mountains, especially towards the east. It is possible that this pattern is the result of differential amounts of resistance on the part of earlier occupants. Further progress to the north or east involved driving existing occupants into territory where snow falls in the winter. But movement west into the lower elevations of the Trinity drainage would not have driven existing occupants into snow country. The rate of expansion is important for the question of intersocietal hierarchy. If the rate was slow it would not have been experienced as very problematic by displaced groups. If it were faster we would expect resistance to be greater and we would look for Wintu strategies to overcome this resistance. Archaeological evidence about the spread of the Shasta Complex can be used to infer the rate Wintu advance from the original homeland on the Sacramento River near Redding. The assemblage of artifacts identified with the Shasta Complex impinged on and overlaid the material remains of the Tehama Pattern. The Shasta Complex is believed to have been originally established near Redding by A.D. 800 or earlier. Radiocarbon dates associated with the earliest evidence of the Shasta Complex from several sites northeast of Redding are shown in Figure 2. (Figure 2 about here) The CA-SHA-222 site in Redding shows evidence of occupation by ancestral Wintu in the ninth century A.D. An adjacent site across the river, CA-SHA-266, was occupied later and yields a radiocarbon date of A.D. 1220 as shown in Figure 2. We use the 222 site to gauge the time it took the ancestral Wintu to move north and northeast. Table 1 uses the dates, locations and distances from Figure 2 to estimate rates of advance. Table 1: Wintu rates of Advance Origin Destination Distance Advance Rate (years per mile) Redding (AD 870) Stillwater (AD 1220) 7 mi. 50 Redding (AD 870) Keswick (AD 1320) 8 1/2 mi. 53 Stillwater (AD 1220) Clikapudi (AD 1560) 9 mi. 38 Stillwater (AD 1220) Salt Creek (AD 1660) 9 mi. 49 The fastest estimated advance rate, that between Stillwater and Clikapudi, is 38 years per mile, or a little less than three miles in a hundred years. This seems rather slow, and such a slow rate of advance may not have been very salient to either the Wintu or the groups they were displacing. On the other hand, Wintu advance probably did not take the form of a slow steady pace. The establishment of new villages undoubtedly occurred in discrete jumps, and these were certainly noticeable. Such incursions, and the likely conflictual encounters which followed, probably account for the negative attitudes which ethnographers have documented in Wintu-Yana relations. But we are still left to explain the apparent lower levels animosity in Wintu-Achomawi and Wintu-Okwanuchu relations. Wintu advance apparently occurred at a much faster rate toward the west into the Trinity River drainage. Nillson (1990) reports a Shasta Complex site near Douglas City -- about 60 miles from Redding -- which yielded at C-14 date of A.D. 1270. The rate of advance in this direction is 6.6 years per mile or about 15 miles per hundred years. This is much faster than the rates shown in Table 1 and this may have to do with differential resistance due to elevation and the presence of snow in winter months as suggested above. But even this "more rapid" rate of expansion seems slow in a larger comparative perspective. This was not the expansion of a predatory state. The Wintu were probably slowly establishing new villages when older ones became too large. While population growth may have been greater than in other California societies, this process of villages budding off is qualitatively different from the kind of expansion which occurs when dedicated military societies conquer and exploit their neighbors. Wintu expansion was made possible by the social, technological and military advantages they had over their neighbors, but these advantages were not immense and the process of expansion was not a central feature of Wintu society. Regarding differences in intermarriage patterns which might reflect core/periphery hierarchy, we are studying Wintu- Hokan intermarriages to determine if these were balanced or asymmetrical. Friedman and Rowlands's (1978) theory of kin- based core formation in chiefdoms focusses on changes in the politics of kinship which alter gender relations. A balanced alliance takes a form in which marriages across group boundaries are reciprocated such that an approximately equal number of men from each group marry women from the other group. This is the so-called "wife-giving" strategy which prevails in alliances between equal groups. But when one group is striving to achieve or has achieved an advantage over another the balance shifts toward "wife-taking" on the part of the core group. This is a situation in which men in the emerging dominant group marry more women from the dominated group than vice versa. One reason we are inventorying intermarriages is to look for such assymetrical patterns. It is possible that the Wintu were taking more wives from the Hokan-speakers than vice versa. Wife-taking is not very limited by demographic balances because most of the marriages in question are third or fourth wives of chiefs. Larger Regional Interactions What about the relationship between the Wintu and groups further down in the Sacramento Valley? As we have explained above, the clam disk bead trade network in central California linked very distant groups through down-the-line exchange. The largest precontact towns in Northern California were in the region near the Sacramento/San Joaquin delta. Single towns along the Sacramento River in the Patwin territory of Colusa County are thought to have had populations as large as twelve hundred (King,1978:60,Figure 5). By comparison, the largest Wintu villages were about 250. The adjacent Clear Lake region was inhabited by the Pomo, Hokan speakers who are the most widely-known of Northern California linguistic groups. Pomo villages were also significantly larger than the largest Wintu villages. The Pomo produced the most beautiful baskets and they were the manufacturers of "money" -- strings of clam disk beads -- which served as the main medium of exchange throughout Northern California. The Pomo lived around and near Clear Lake, a large body of water nestled in the Coast Range between the Central Valley and the Pacific Ocean. They had access to clam shells from the coast -- the raw materials for the production of clam disk beads. The Patwin -- Penutian speakers who entered California in the same wave of immigration with the Wintu -- shared a long border with the Pomo linguistic group. Both Pomo and Patwin were heavily involved in the larger trade network in which clam disk beads flowed north from the Clear Lake and delta region and other goods such as pelts, obsidian, bows and feathers, flowed south. Did this network of exchange constitute a core/periphery hierarchy in which the Wintu were peripheral or semiperipheral participants and the Pomo and Patwin were a core region? There are really two questions. First, were the long distance interactions which linked the Wintu with the Patwin/Pomo significant enough for each group such that it is meaningful to consider them as part of a single world-system? And second, if they were part of a single systemic network, was this an egalitarian exchange network or were some of the parties gaining at the expense of others? First we will consider the significance of the interconnections among these groups. Before about A.D. 1500 there was little long distance trade. An earlier trade network linking the Wintu with northwestern coastal California to the west and the Great Basin to the east had declined. The spatial boundaries of the world-system of which Wintu were a part was quite localized after the decline of the east-west network and before the rise of the north-south network. The emergence of the north-south clam disc bead network in the sixteenth century created an overarching context in which long distance trade and the local networks of interaction became increasingly linked. The trade was down-the- line, so there were no direct interactions. No one ever traveled the whole length of the Sacramento Valley on a trade mission or any other kind of mission. Indirect interactions involved many links. It is about seventy five miles down the river from Wintu territory to Patwin territory. If we assume that there was a different tribelet every three miles then there were twenty-five tribelets between Cottonwood Creek (southern edge of the Wintu) and the northern edge of Patwin territory in what is now Colusa County. If each tribelet directly traded with the neighbor of its neighbor then every trade item had to pass through a minimum of about twelve transactions to get from Patwin to Wintu territory. The fall-off of interactional consequences may have been very great in such a system. We know that the proportion of all goods supplied by this long-distance trade was rather small. We also know that linguistic differences were immense over short distances, and so information flows would have been very constrained. There was little in the way of a "lingua franca." The long distance down-the-line trade was a prestige goods economy in which local headmen and chiefs were able to obtain "money," and other exotic goods. In order to understand the relative importance of these interactions for reproducing or changing local social structures we must consider what would have happened if such exchanges had been interrupted or radically changed. In many systems prestige goods are quite important for the maintenance of local power structures (Schneider, 1991). But the status and power payoffs deriving from the control of such goods are much more amenable to manipulation than dependencies which result from food or necessary raw material networks. If prestige goods are no longer available it is often possible to substitute symbols which are obtainable locally or from a different source, though this may require some manipulation of definitions of value. It is much more difficult for symbolic manipulation to make up for a shortage of food. This is why Immanuel Wallerstein calls prestige goods "preciosities" and does not consider prestige goods networks alone to constitute world-system connections. Friedman and Rowlands (1978) also argue that core/periphery systems which are entirely based on prestige goods economies or ritual superiority are comparatively unstable because local groups can more easily opt out than when dependencies are based on supplies of food or basic raw materials. We think that prestige goods connections may have either very important or only epiphenomenal consequences for local social structures depending on the nature of the local structures and the intersocietal context. The Wintu local chiefs and headmen were not highly dependent on their monopoly of exotic prestige goods because the local hierarchies they headed were themselves minimal. The authority they had was quite limited and based on the trust given them by their people. We doubt that the regalia which they wore or the trade-gained goods they distributed were necessary sources of support for these chiefs. On the other hand, the availability of a medium of exchange such as clam disk "money" facilitated those local transactions of fundamental goods among adjacent groups which were essential to the maintenance of relatively high population densities of sedentary foragers. Clam disc money was important because it was a symbol of value which was recognized across a wide area. It was a relatively durable, standardized and divisible good which could serve as a measure of rates of exchange (prices) between different kinds of goods. Reflecting on the use of Dentalia shells by the Yurok, Chagnon (1970:17-18) says "The conclusion we reach is that it was functionally necessary for the Yurok to 'desire' dentalia, but only if they were obtained from their neighbors. The social prestige involved with obtaining wealth in this fashion effected a more stable adaptation to the distribution of resources by allowing trade to be the alternative to raid in times of local insufficiency (emphasis in the original)." Rather than shoring up a local power hierarchy, the central California prestige goods economy reinforced local trade ties. This allowed local groups to build up "credit" with their neighbors, and to use this credit during periods of local resource shortage. This system of socially structured insurance increased complementary production and facilitated alliances across village groups. It also reduced the likelihood of destructive raiding as a response to short falls. At contact the Wintu were participating in two different prestige goods networks. When local people have only one source of socially recognized symbols of value they are somewhat dependent on that source, but access to two different prestige goods networks decreases dependence on either one. The two forms of wealth may be substitutable. But archaeological evidence suggests that Wintu participation in the northern prestige goods network was rather minimal and ethnographic evidence suggests that the shells obtained from the north served more as adornment than as money. Thus access to the northern supply source would not have appreciably reduced Wintu dependence on the clam shell disc network. What about the question of core/periphery hierarchy at the level of the long-distance network? Again we must distinguish between core/periphery differentiation and core/periphery hierarchy. The differences in village size and population density between the Wintu and the Patwin would seem to indicate a degree of core/periphery differentiation. Since there were no direct interactions, the southerners could not have and did not politically or militarily dominate the Wintu. But perhaps the southerners were exploiting the Wintu indirectly by means of the prestige goods network. For this to have been the case there would have had to have been unequal exchange in the prestige goods trade such that the southerners were gaining more from the trade than the Wintu were. The problem of unequal exchange is an extremely sticky one. Those who use this concept usually mean that unequal amounts of labor are being exchanged such that the exploited party is transferring labor power to the exploiting party. We know very little about the exact amounts of labor time and other scarce resources which were expended in the production of the goods which were traded. We know that a bow cost the Pomo 4000 beads. In a market economy the "price" would include labor, transportation, raw materials, and transaction costs. If it was a yew wood bow which had been manufactured by the Wintu from Yew trees obtained on the upper McCloud River, that bow would have passed through many hands on its way to Clear Lake. In the absence of ethnographic knowledge about the labor time used in production it might be possible to employ descriptions of the labor processes to experimentally estimate the amount of labor time involved. It is plain that the Pomo/Patwin were not extracting massive amounts of surplus labor from peripheralized peoples. Extremely unequal exchange must be accompanied by some form of coercion. Without this the peripheral peoples will simply cease to engage in exchange. It is the costs of withdrawal which determine the limits of exploitation. In the case of the Wintu, access to clam disk beads was an advantage because of the salutary effects which this storable form of wealth had on the local exchange networks. Thus the local interaction networks and the long-distance interaction networks were linked and being cut off from access to "money" would have decreased (but not eliminated) the ability of local groups to even out resource imbalances. This form of linkage between the prestige goods economy and local relations is very different from the more well-known cases. In instances studied by Schneider (1991), Peregrine (1991) and many others, a monopoly over prestige goods by a local elite serves to reinforce the authority and power relations by which the elite holds a dependent subordinate class in thrall. The kinds of hierarchical kinship relations and inter-regional power structures which usually accompany this kind of local/long-distance linkage -- regional chiefdoms or states -- were unknown in Central and Northern California. Certainly there were differences in wealth and power among people, but leaders used their wealth and power primarily as instruments for assuring the access of whole communities to necessary and desired resources. We have been discussing the importance of the long distance trade from the Wintu side, but what about consequences for the Pomo and Patwin? The usual explanation for the unusually large towns and high population densities in the lower Sacramento Valley and the around Clear Lake focusses on environmental factors. These regions were extraordinarily rich in resources even by California standards. But a case can be made that the emergence of the long distance trade may have facilitated even larger towns and greater social complexity in this region. Many groups had access to the clam shells. The Coast Miwok lived on Bodega Bay. But they were not the ones to specialize in the production of money. The Pomo were able to spend large amounts of labor on this kind of production precisely because they lived in a rich environment where food surpluses could easily support a group of shell bead manufacturers. This is an instance of the cumulation of resources in which environmental wealth facilitates the creation of social wealth, which in turn allows for the importation of valuable goods. So the increasing complexity of the Pomo and the Patwin, (large villages, secret societies, etc.) may have been due to both environmental advantages and the ability of these groups to export a manufactured good which was socially valued over a wide territory. To some extent, then, the core-like features of these groups depended on their participation in the larger trade network. Future Research It is our intention to examine archaeological, ethnographic and documentary evidence in order to further test world-system hypothesizes about the Wintu and their neighbors. One important method used in other regions of California to study intergroup relations focuses on obsidian trade and usage systems. We propose to extend our knowledge of patterns of sourcing in late prehistoric projectile points. The points in this region are primarily from two sources: the Medicine Lake Highlands and various Tuscan outcroppings near Backbone Ridge just south of the Pit River (Sundahl 1984). We want to study the ratio of Medicine Lake to Tuscan obsidian along three transects which correspond to our study of the boundaries between the Wintu and three Hokan-speaking groups: the Okwanuchu north up the Upper Sacramento, the Achomawi northeast up the Pit and the Yana to the east. We hope to be able to study changes in the source ratios over both time and space by further examining existing collections of projectile points and obsidian debitage. Big differences have already been found in source ratios across interlinguistic boundaries and over time. The Wintu villages in Redding always used primarily Tuscan obsidian (see Sundahl,1984: Figure 6). The Yana also controlled some of the Tuscan sources and they also tended to use primarily this kind of obsidian. The Achomawi and Okwanuchu used both Medicine Lake obsidian and Tuscan obsidian but the ratios varied over time. We want to combine archaeological evidence about ethnic boundaries with obsidian source ratios to help us understand how procurement and trade networks changed over time. If Wintu/Yana relations were primarily antagonistic while Wintu/Achomawi or Wintu/Okwanuchu relations were much less so we would expect the Achomawi to obtain Tuscan obsidian from the Wintu by trade, but not the Yana. Since the Yana controlled some of the Tuscan sources, we are investigating the feasibility of chemically distinguishing between the different Tuscan sources. We intend to combine archaeological data on late prehistoric site locations with ethnographic information about village locations and sizes to produce the best possible representations of the settlement systems for the four groups under study. Chase-Dunn (1991) is constructing an inventory of six types of events or occurrences for the four ethnic groups under study by means of an exhaustive survey of published ethnographic reports, unpublished research notes and historical documents. The six inventories are: 1. Villages; 2. Marriages; 3. Exchange Events (trade feasts, trade, collective hunts and harvests); 4. Battle Events (line wars, disputes, raids); 5. Procurement Treks; and 6. Celebrations . These research efforts will enable us to better examine the above hypotheses about the relations between the Wintu and their neighbors. Tentative Conclusions and Further Speculations When we look closely at the intergroup relations between the Wintu groups and with the Hokan-speaking groups we notice certain significant differences. The Wintu had higher population density, more alliances linking villages and extended families with one another, and a riverine fishing technology which enabled them to harvest and store a source of protein which was much less susceptible to depletion than that produced by the hunting of large game animals. These differences account for the ability of the Wintu to expand at the expense of surrounding groups. In some cases this expansion occurred through the establishment of Wintu villages in territory previously exploited by contiguous groups. In other cases Wintu expansion occurred through a process of acculturation in which Wintu married into other groups and brought Wintu language, social organization and technology along with them. Instances of expansion through the establishment of new , wholly Wintu villages may have often involved violent confrontation with displaced groups. In such cases some might argue that the notion of core/periphery hierarchy ought to be employed. But we have shown that the rate of Wintu advance was extremely slow and there is little else to support the idea that Wintu dominated or exploited the groups they were displacing. The taking of land is a fundamental form of exploitation and ought to be part of any notion of core/periphery hierarchy. But the Wintu immigration into the Sacramento Valley brought them originally in to a niche which was only being lightly exploited by earlier groups. When they had filled that niche they were indeed pressing on the more vital regions of the Hokan speakers, but the rate of advance was so slow that it can only be considered a very mild kind of core/periphery hierarchy. We think that the Wintu were part of a relatively egalitarian network of intersocietal relations. The greater part of the processes of food and raw material procurement and competition for land had a relatively small spatial scale, with most important interactions occurring within a 50 mile radius of any starting point. More distant interactions were indirect, but some goods did move very long distances. We suggest that the dynamics of these longer distance interaction nets came to have important consequences for local social structures. Unlike other, better known, prestige goods economies this did not operate through the mechanism of shoring up local power hierarchies. Rather the availability of clam disc beads -- a medium of wealth storage and exchange -- from the long distance network facilitated the more local complementary exchange networks. This provided each community with a safety net against temporary shortages and it facilitated trading and kinship alliances which linked local communities. This alternative to raiding as a mechanism of making up shortages allowed for higher overall population densities and less conflictual and destructive relations among contiguous groups. In these ways the long distance network was an important element behind the processes of increasing population density, intensification and diversification of foraging practices which were occurring in central and northern California. The Pomo/Patwin relationship is somewhat suggestive of a core/semiperiphery relationship. That Patwin were Penutians with a riverine adaptation and they had somewhat larger villages along a large river in the Central Valley. The Pomo were Hokan-speaking hill people who, nevertheless, enjoyed a fruitful setting -- the Clear Lake region. The Pomo were able to take advantage of their proximity to both shells and the relatively dense Penutian trade network to become producers of clam disc beads, leading to their further elaboration of social complexity. If this characterization is correct it is at least reminniscent of other situations in which "semiperipheral" peoples in other world-systems manage to engage in upward mobility. Semiperipheral marcher states are only one example in which people who have access to both core and peripheral areas manage to exploit the "advantages of backwardness" (Chase- Dunn,1988). The Pomo may be an instance of this kind of phenomenon. What we think we see in California is a sequence in which the emergence of long distance trade was facilitating the formation of local complementary networks of production and exchange. This appears to have occurred with the formation of only very weak intrasocietal and intersocietal hierarchies. We think that the long distance trade was constituted primarily in terms of equal exchange. This may have benefitted the southerners a bit more than the other participants, but no one was being significantly exploited. The internal relations of California communities were not characterized by very much hierarchy -- no true chiefdoms or even big men. Local core/periphery differentiations (as the Wintu/Yana relationship) were not very hierarchical. It is probable, however, that these processes would have continued to facilitate further increases in population density and that these would have eventually led to rising levels of competition and conflict among groups for territory and resources. Despite the rapid rate of population increase in the late prehistoric centuries, the continued existence of neutral territories indicates that the land was not yet completely "full." Continued population growth would have led to such a condition. And this would have created possibilities for some local elites to begin to exploit and dominate their co-villagers and for the emergence of hierarchical relations among competing groups. Perhaps the Pomo or the Patwin would have eventually developed tribes and chiefdoms. And perhaps the Wintu would have themselves developed more hierarchical internal relations and more exploitative relations with their immediate neighbors. If so the California world- system may have been a case in which incipient hierarchy formation was interrupted by the incursion of an already hierarchical and spatially much larger world-system. NOTES References Abu-Lughod, Janet 1989. Before European Hegemony: The World-System AD 1250-1350. New York: Oxford University Press. Algaze, Guillermo 1989. "The Uruk expansion: cross-cultural exchange as a factor in early Mesopotamian civilization," Current Anthropology 30,5 (December). Amin, Samir 1980. Class and Nation, Historically and in the Current Crisis. New York: Monthly Review Press. ______ 1991. "The ancient world-systems versus the modern capitalist world-system," Review 14:3 (Summer): 349-385. Baker, Suzanne 1990. Archaeological Excavations at CA-SHA- 479 and CA-SHA-195, Whiskeytown Unit, Whiskeytown- Shasta- Trinity National Recreation Area, Shasta County, California. (with contributions by Hugh G. Wagner and Dwight D. Simons). National Park Service, Western Region, San Francisco, CA. 94102. Barfield, Thomas J. 1989. The Perilous Frontier: Nomadic Empires and China Cambridge, MA.: Basil Blackwell. Basgall, Mark E. and William R. Hildebrandt 1989 Prehistory of the Sacramento River Canyon, Shasta County, California (2 volumes). Davis, CA.: Center for Archaeological Research at Davis. Baugh, Timothy 1984. "Southern plains societies and eastern frontier Pueblo exchange during the protohistoric period." Pp. 156-67 in Papers of the Archaeological Society of New Mexico , Volume 9. Albuquerque: Archaeological Society Press. Bean, Lowell John and Thomas F. King (eds.) 1974. Antap: California Indian Political and Economic Organization. Ramona, CA.: Ballena Press. Bean, Lowell John 1978 "Social Organization" Pp. 673-682 in Heizer (ed.) Handbook of Northe American Indians, Volume 8, California. Washington,D.C.: Smithsonian. Bean, Lowell John and Thomas C. Blackburn (eds.) 1976. Native Californians: A theoretical Retrospective. Socorro, N.M.: Ballena Press. Bean, Lowell John and Harry Lawton 1976. "Some explanations for the rise ofcultural complexity in native California with comments on proto-agriculture and agriculture." Pp. 19- 48 in Bean and Blackburn. Bennyhoff, James A. and Richard E. Hughes 1987. "Shell bead and ornament exchange networks between California and the Western Great Basin." Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 64,2:79-175. Blanton, Richard , Stephen A. Kowalewski, Gary Feinman and Jill Appel. 1981. Ancient Mesoamerica: A Comparison of Change in Three Regions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Blanton, Richard and Gary Feinman 1984. "The Mesoamerican world-system." American Anthropologist 86(3):673-92. Bocek, Barbara 1991 "Prehistoric settlement pattern and wocial organization on the San Francisco peninsula, California." Pp. 58-88 in Susan A. Gregg (ed.) Between Bands and States. Occasional Paper Number 9. Center for Archaeological Investigations. Southern Illinois University at Carbondale. Brown, James and T.D. Price (eds.) 1985 Prehistoric Hunter- Gatherers: The emergence of cultural complexity. Orlando, FL.: Academic Press. Carneiro, Robert L. 1970. "A theory of the origin of the state." Science 169:733-8. Champion, Timothy C. 1989 "Introduction," Pp. 1-21 in T.C. Champion (ed.) Centre and Periphery: Comparative Studies in Archeology London: Unwin Hyman Chase-Dunn, Christopher 1988 "Comparing world-systems: toward a theory of semiperipheral development," Comparative Civilizations Review 19:29-66 (Fall). ______, 1990 "World state formation: historical processes and emergent necessity," Political Geography Quarterly 9,2:108-30 (April). ______, 1991 "Intersocietal inequalities in very small world- systems." Research proposal funded by the National Science Foundation, SES-9110853. ______,1992 "The comparative study of world-systems," Introduction of a special issue ofReview on comparing world- systems. Review XV,3 (Summer). Chase-Dunn, Christopher and Thomas D. Hall 1991 "Conceptualizing core/periphery relations for comparative study." Pp. 5-44 in Chase-Dunn and Hall, Core/Periphery Relations in Precapitalist Worlds. Boulder, CO.: Westview Press. __________________________________________ 1992 "World-systems and modes of production: the comparative study of transformations." Humboldt Journal of Social Relations 18,2. Clewett, S. Edward 1984 "Shasta County prehistory: a proposed ecological/economic model." A paper presented at the 18th annual meetings of the Society for California Archaeology, Salinas, March 29-31. Clewett, S. Edward and Elaine Sundahl 1982. "Tehama Pattern: an alternative model for Northern California prehistory." A paper presented to the Society for California Archaeology, Northern California Data Sharing Session, Sacramento, October 23. _____________________________________1990 "A view from the south:connections between Southwest Oregon and Northern California." Pp. 37-45 in Nan Hannon and Richard K. Olmo (eds.). Living with land: the Indians of Southwest Oregon. Proceedings of the 1989 Symposium on the Prehistory of Southwest Oregon. Medford: Southern Oregon Historical Society. Collins, Randall 1978. "Some principles of long-term social change: the territorial power of states." Pp. 1-34 in Louis F. Kriesberg (ed.) Research In Social Movements, Conflict and Change, Volume 1. Greenwich, CT.: JAI Press. Cook, Sherburne F. 1955 "The epidemic of 1830-1833 in California and Oregon,"University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, 43,3:303-326, Berkeley. Curtin, Phillip 1984. Crosscultural Trade In World History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Davis, James T. 1974. Trade Routes and Economic Exchange Among the Indians of California. Ramona, CA: Ballena Press. Dincauze, Dena F. and Robert J. Hasenstab 1989. "Explaining the Iroquois: tribalization on a prehistoric periphery." Pp. 67-87 in Champion(1989). Dotta, James 1980 "Some elements of Wintu social organization as suggested by Curtin's 1884-1889 notes," Occasional Papers of the Redding Museum, Number 1 (December). DuBois, Cora 1935 Wintu Ethnography. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, 36,1:1-148, Berkeley: University of California Press. Ekholm, Kasja 1980 "On the limitations of civilization: the structure and dynamics of global systems," Dialectical Anthropology 5:155-66. Ekholm, Kasja and Jonathan Friedman 1980. "Toward a global anthropology." Pp. 61-76 in L. Blusse, H. L. Wesseling and G. D. Winius (eds.) History and Underdevelopment. Leyden: Center for the History of European Expansion,Leyden University. ______1982 "'Capital' imperialism and exploitation in the ancient world-systems." Review 6, 1:87-110. Ericson, Jonathan E.(1977) "Egalitarian exchange systems in California: a preliminary view," Pp. 109-26 in Timothy K. Earle and Jonathon E. Ericson(eds.) Exchange Systems in Prehistory. New York: Academic Press. Frank, Andre Gunder 1990. "A theoretical introduction to 5,000 years of world system history," Review 13:2 (Spring):155-248. Feinman, Gary and Jill Neitzel 1984 "Too many types: an overview of sedentary prestate societies in the Americas." Pp.39-102 in Advances in Archeological Method and Theory, Volume 7, New York: Academic Press. Friedman, Jonathan 1982 "Catastrophe and continuity in social evolution." Pp.175-196 in Colin Renfrew, Michael J. Rowlands and Barbara Abbott Segraves (eds.) Theory and Explanation in Archaeology: The Southampton Conference. New York: Academic Press. Friedman, Jonathan and Michael Rowlands 1978 "Notes towards and epigeneticmodel of the evolution of 'civilization'." Pp. 201- 278 in J. Friedman and M. J. Rowlands (eds.) The Evolution of Social Systems. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsbugh Press. Gailey, Christine W. and Thomas C. Patterson 1987. "Power relations and state formation." Pp.1-26 in Gailey and Patterson (eds.) Power Relations and State Formation. Washington, D.C.: American Anthropological Association. _______ 1988. "State formation and uneven development." Pp. 77-90 in Gledhill, Bender and Larsen (eds.), 1988. Gills, Barry K. and Andre Gunder Frank 1991. "5000 years of world-system history: the cumulation of accumulation" Pp. 67- 112 in Chase-Dunn and Hall Goldschmidt, Walter 1951. "Nomlaki ethnography." University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 42,4:303-443 ______1978 "Nomlaki." Pp. 341-349 in Heizer, 1978. Guilford-Kardell, Margaret and James Dotta 1980 "Some pre- contact Shasta County Wintu site locations: a correlation of the previously unpublished notes of Jeremiah Curtin and J.P.Harrington with later published, recorded, and unrecorded data on the Dawpom, Winemem, Puidalpom and Waimuk areas of Wintu population," Occasional Papers of the Redding Museum, Number 1 (December). Guilford-Kardell, Margaret n.d. "Some pre-contact Shasta County Nomtipom Wintu Site Locations. Manuscript in author's possession. Gregg, Susan A. 1988 Foragers and Farmers: Population Interaction and Agricultural Expansion in Neolithic Europe. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Hall, Thomas D. 1986 "Incorporation in the world-system: toward a critique." American Sociological Review 52, 3:390- 402. ______1989 Social Change in the Southwest, 1350-1880. Lawrence, KS: Kansas University Press. ______1991 "The role of nomads in core/periphery relations," Chapter 7 in Chase-Dunn and Hall, 1991. Heizer, Robert F. (ed.) 1978 California. Volume 8 of the Handbook of NorthAmerican Indians. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution. Heizer and Robert E. and A.E. Treganza (1971) "Mines and quarries of the Indians of California" Pp. 346-359 in Heizer and Whipple (eds.) The California Indians: A Sourcebook. Second Edition. Berkeley: University of California Press. Heizer, Robert E. and Albert B. Elsasser(1980) The Natural World Of The California Indians. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hudson, John W. 1975 [1897] "Pomo wampum makers: an aboriginal double standard," Pp. 9-20 in Robert F. Heizer (ed.) Seven Early Accounts of the Pomo Indians and Their Culture. Berkeley:Archeological Research Facility, Department of Anthropology, University of California. Hughes, Richard E. (1986) Diachronic Variability in Obsidian Procurement Patterns in Northeastern California and Southcentral Oregon. Berkeley: University of California Publications in Anthropology, Vol. 17, University of California Press. _______ (ed.) 1989 Current Directions in California Obsidian Studies.Contributions of the University of California Archaeological Research Facility, # 48 (December) Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley. Hurtado, Albert L. 1988 "Indians in town and country: the Nisenan Indians'changing economy and society as shown in John A. Sutter's 1856 correspondence." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 12,2:31-52. Jackson, Thomas L. (1986) Late Prehistoric Obsidian Exchange in Central California. Ph. D. Dissertation. Anthropology, Stanford University. ______ 1989 "Reconstructing migration in California prehistory," American Indian Quarterly 13,4:359-368 (Fall). Johnson, Allen W. and Timothy Earle 1987. The Evolution of Human Societies: From Foraging Group to Agrarian State Stanford: Stanford University Press. Johnston, Jim 1978 "The Wintu and Yana territorial boundary," Paper presented to the annual meetings of the Society for California Archaeology, Yosemite National Park, March. Kehoe, Alice B. 1992 "Between the Pacific and the Atlantic systems: the High Plains." A paper presented at the meetings of the Society for American Archaeology, Pittsburgh, April 9. Kelly, Raymond C. (1985) The Nuer Conquest: The Structure and Development of an Expansionist System. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. King, Chester 1978 "Protohistoric and historic archaeology," Pp. 58-68 in Heizer (ed.)Handbook. Kohl, Phillip 1987a"The use and abuse of world systems theory: the case of the 'pristine' West Asian state." In Archeological Advances in Method and Theory II. New York: Academic Press, pp. 1-35. _______1987b"The ancient economy, transferable technologies and the BronzeAge world-system: a view from the northeastern frontier of the Ancient Near East." Pp. 13-24 in Rowlands, Larsen and Kristiansen. Kristiansen, Kristian 1987 "Centre and periphery in Bronze Age Scandinavia." p. 74-86 in Rowlands, Larsen and Kristiansen. Kroeber, Alfred L.1925 Handbook of the Indians of California. Republished in 1976. New York: Dover Publications. ______1932 The Patwin and Their Neighbors. University of California Publications in Archaeology and Ethnology, V. 29,4:253-423. Kroeber, Alfred L. 1971 "The tribe in California," Pp. 367-84 in Robert F. Heizer and M.A.Whipple(eds.) The California Indians: A Source Book. (2nd edition). Berkeley: University of California Press. Kunkel, Peter H. 1962 "Yokuts and Pomo political institutions: a comparative analysis." Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California-Los Angeles. Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C. 1975 "Third millennium modes of exchange and modes of production." Pp. 341-368 in J. A. Sabloff and C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky (eds.) Ancient Civilization and Trade. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. LaPena, Frank R. 1978. "Wintu." Pp. 324-340 in Heizer, 1978. Leacock, Eleanor and Richard B. Lee (eds.) 1982. Politics and History in Band Societies.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lenski, Gerhard and Jean Lenski. 1987. Human Societies, 5th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill. Loeb, E.M. 1926 Pomo Folkways. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 19:149- 405. McCarthy, Helen, William Hildebradt, Laureen K. Swenson, 1985.Ethnography and Prehistory of the North Coast Range. Center for Archaeological Research at Davis, Publication Number 8. University of California at Davis. McCorkle, Thomas (1978) "Intergroup conflict," Pp.694-700 in Heizer (ed. ) California:Volume 8 of the Handbook of North American Indians. McGuire, Randall H. 1980 "The Mesoamerican connection in the Southwest." Kiva 46,1-2:3-38. McNeill, William H. 1976. Plagues and Peoples. Garden City, N.J.: Anchor. Mann, Michael 1986 The Sources of Social Power: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Marfoe, Leon 1987 "Cedar forest to silver mountain: social change and the development of long-distance trade in early Near Eastern societies." Pp. 25-35 in Rowlands, Larsen and Kristiansen. Mathien, Frances and Randall McGuire (eds.) 1986. Ripples in the Chichimec Sea: New Considerations of Southwestern- Mesoamerican Interactions. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. Merriam, C. Hart 1955 Studies of California Indians Berkeley: University of California Press. ______1976 Ethnographic and ethnosynonymic data from Northern California tribes.Contributions to Native California Ethnology from the C. Hart Merriam Collection, Number 1 (November) Assembled and edited by Robert F. Heizer. Archaeological Research Facility, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley. _______ 1977 (January) Same as above, Volume 2. Milliken, Randall T. 1983 "The spatial organization of human population on central California's San Francisco peninsula at the Spanish arrival." M.A. thesis, Sonoma State University. Moratto, Michael J.1984 California Archaeology New York: Academic Press. Myrdal, Gunnar 1971 Economic Theory and Underdeveloped Regions. New York:Harper and Row Neasham, Ernest R. Fall River Valley: A History. 1974 [1957] in California Indians, Volume 3 New York: Garland Publishing Co. Pailes, Richard A., and Joseph W. Whitecotton 1979. "The greater Southwest and Mesoamerican "world"system: an exploratory model of frontier relationships." Pp. 105-121 in W. W. Savage and S. I. Thompson (eds.) The Frontier: Comparative Studies. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. ______, 1986. "New world Precolumbian world systems." Pp. 183-204 in Mathien and McGuire. Patterson, Thomas C. 1990. "Processes in the formation of ancient world-systems." Dialectical Anthropology Polanyi, Karl 1977. The Livelihood of Man. Harry W. Pearson (ed.). New York: Academic Press. Polanyi, Karl, Conrad Arensberg and Harry Pearson (eds.) 1957. Trade and Market in the Early Empires. Chicago: Regnery. Powers, Stephen 1976 [1877] Tribes of California. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pryor, John H. Jr. (1987) Temporal and Spatial Stylistic Patterns of Northern California Indian Baskets. Ph. D Dissertation. Anthropology, SUNY-Binghamton. Quigley, Carroll 1979 [1961]. The Evolution of Civilizations. Indianapolis, IN. : Liberty Press. Renfrew, Colin R. 1977 "Alternative models for exchange and spatial distribution." Pp. 71-90 in T. K. Earle and J. E. Ericson (eds.) Exchange Systems in Prehistory. New York: Academic Press. Renfrew, Colin and John F. Cherry (eds.) 1986 Peer Polity Interaction and Socio-political Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ritter, Eric 1991 "A study of glass trade beads from some protohistoric Wintu villages in the Northern Sacramento Valley," Appendix 1 in Sundahl and Clewitt, 1991. Rowlands, Michael, Mogens Larsen and Kristian Kristiansen(eds.) 1987 Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sahlins, Marshall 1961 "The segmentary lineage: an organization of predatory expansion." American Anthropologist 63:322-45. _______1972. Stone Age Economics. Chicago: Aldine. _______1985 Islands of History. Chicago:University of Chicago Press. Sanderson, Stephen K. 1990. Social Evolutionism: a critical history. Cambridge, MA.: BasilBlackwell. Schneider, Jane 1977 "Was there a pre-capitalist world-system?" Peasant Studies 6, 1:20-29. Reprinted as Chapter 2 of Chase- Dunn and Hall, 1991. Schortman, Edward M. and Patricia A. Urban (1987) "Modeling interregional interaction in prehistory," Pp. 37-95 in Advances in Archeological Method and Theory, Vol. 11. New York: Academic Press. Shannon, Thomas R. 1989. An Introduction To The World- System Perspective. Boulder, CO.:Westview. Sundahl, Elaine M. 1982 "The Shasta complex in the Redding area." M.A. thesis, Department of Anthropology, California State University, Chico. ______1984 "Shasta County prehistory: the obsidian evidence." Paper presented at the Annual Meetings of the Society for California Archaeology, Salinas, CA. March 29-31. ______1986 "New clues to Northern California prehistory." Unpublished paper. Shasta College Archaeological Laboratory. ______1989 "Archaeological investigations in the Northern Sacramento valley and surrounding mountains." Shasta College Archaeological Laboratory. Sundahl, Elaine and S. Edward Clewett 1985 "Archaeological investigations at Sugar Pine Canyon, Shasta County CA." Shasta College Archaeological Laboratory. Sundahl and Clewett 1991 "Archaeological Investigations in the Salt Creek Drainage, Shasta County, CA." Reports of the Shasta College Archaeology Laboratory, Redding, CA. Theodoratus Cultural Research (Dorothea Theodoratus) 1981 "Native American cultural overview: Shasta-Trinity National Forest." Theodoratus Cultural Research, Fair Oaks, CA. Tilly, Charles 1984 Big Structures, Large Processes, Huge Comparisons.New York: Russell Sage. Towendolly, Grant 1966. A Bag of Bones: The Wintu Myths of a Trinity River Indian. edited by Marcelle Masson. Healdsburg, CA.: Naturegraph Co. Upham, Stedman 1982 Polities and Power: An Economic and Political History of the Western Pueblo. New York: Academic Press. Vayda, Andrew P. 1967 "Pomo trade feasts." Pp.494-500 in George Dalton (ed.) Tribal and Peasant Economies. Garden City, NY: Natural History Press. Wallerstein, Immanuel 1974 The Modern World-System, V. 1. New York: Academic Press. ______1979 The Capitalist World-Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ______, 1984. "The quality of life in different social systems: the model and the reality," Pp.147-158 in I. Wallerstein, The Politics of the World-Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ______, 1989. The Modern World-System, V. 3: The Second Era of Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, 1730-1840s. New York: Academic Press. Whistler, Kenneth W. 1977 "Wintun preshistory: an interpretation based on linguistic reconstruction of plant and animal nomenclature." Berkeley Linguistics Society, Proceedings Vol. 3,Pp. 157-174. White, Douglas R. and Michael L. Burton 1987. "World- systems and ethnological theory." Research proposal funded by the National Science Foundation. Wiant, Wayne C. 1981 "Southern Yana subsistence and settlement: and ecological model." M.A.Thesis, California State University, Sacramento. Wilkinson, David 1987. "Central civilization." Comparative Civilizations Review 17:31-59. ______, 1988. "World-economic theories and problems: Quigley vs. Wallerstein vs. central civilization." A paper presented at the annual meetings of the International Society for the Comparative Study of Civilizations, Hampton, VA. May 26-29. Wolf, Eric 1982. Europe and the People Without History. Berkeley: University of California Press.