Institute for Research on World-Systems University of California, Riverside Working Paper #3 PLACE NAMES AND INTERSOCIETAL INTERACTION: WINTU EXPANSION INTO HOKAN TERRITORY IN LATE PREHISTORIC NORTHERN CALIFORNIA Christopher Chase-Dunn and Mahua Sarkar In the last 500 years before the disruption of their societies by the arrival of the Euro-americans the Penutian-speaking Wintu were expanding in to the territories of their Hokan-speaking neighbors in Northern California. The comparative world-systems perspective has primarily studied regional interactions among societies which have considerable internal hierarchy and intersocietal hierarchy. The case of northern California was one in which both internal and intergroup hierarchies were largely absent. This was an egalitarian regional world-system composed of sedentary foragers. We are investigating the institutional processes of intergroup interaction -- trade, warfare, intermarriage, reciprocal feasting -- in order to understand how relatively egalitarian intergroup relations were reproduced and how they may have been changing. Though there was little which might be understood as core/periphery hierarchy in this regional system, the Wintu expansion could be interpreted as an instance of intersocietal exploitation or domination. This study uses linguistic evidence -- the names of places along the borders of Wintu territory -- to distinguish between different modes of Wintu expansion. Draft: Please do not quote without permission. v. April 20, 1993 To be presented at the 13th annual meeting of the Society for Economic Anthropology, The New England Center, Durham, New Hampshire, April 23, 1993. Send inquiries to chriscd@jhuvm.hcf.jhu.edu or to Sociology, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD. 21218. This research was funded by the National Science Foundation Grant #SES-9110853 The comparative world-systems perspective employs concepts which were originally developed for describing and explaining the development of the modern world-system to analyze earlier and smaller intersocietal interaction networks. These concepts have been redefined in order to allow for the comparison of rather different kinds of intersocietal systems and in order to avoid the problem of erroneously imposing characteristics of the present on the past (e.g. Chase- Dunn and Hall, 1991; 1993). Many scholars from several disciplines are now comparing state-based systems composed of class societies with the global political economy of the present. But only a few studies are using the world-systems perspective to examine intersocietal relations in regional systems composed exclusively of non-hierarchical societies. One reason why some authors claim that only state-based and urbanized systems should be considered world-systems is because less hierarchical systems do not obviously have core/periphery hierarchies. If a world-system must have a core/periphery hierarchy then these are not world-systems. Another reason is that Immanuel Wallerstein (1984) has contended that small and undifferentiated societies fit into a category of non- world-systems which he terms "mini-systems" in which there is a single culture which corresponds with an economic division of labor. This is contrasted with larger world-systems in which several cultures are systemically linked by a division of labor. We argue in favor of the extension of the world-system concept to very small scale systems in order to discover how they were similar to, or different from, larger-scale systems. We also want to examine the hypothesis put forth by Chase-Dunn and Hall (1991,1993) that classless, stateless world-systems do not have core/periphery hierarchies and to investigate the mechanisms by which such egalitarian world-systems were reproduced or transformed. An earlier paper examined archaeological and ethnographic evidence about the regional system in late prehistoric Northern California (Chase-Dunn, Clewett and Sundahl, 1992). In this paper we extend that work by utilizing linguistic evidence regarding place names. California was chosen because it was an area that was relatively isolated from state-based world-systems prior to Euro-american contact. We want to study egalitarian societies that have not interacted with hierarchical societies because we suspect that such interactions have important effects on egalitarian societies. Another reason to study California is that it has been rather thoroughly studied by both ethnographers and archaeologists compared to other areas in which sedentary foragers lived. The region we are studying, the northern end of the Sacramento Valley and its surrounding foothills and mountains, was relatively undisturbed by Euro-americans before the Gold Rush of 1849. And some of the indigenous peoples continued to live in the old way until late in the nineteenth century. Alfred Kroeber and his colleagues and students began interviewing old Indians early in the twentieth century and this systematic ethnographic and linguistic research continued in to the 1930s. In the 1940s archaeological research began and has continued until the present. The Wintu and Their Neighbors The north end of the Sacramento Valley was occupied by a Penutian-speaking people whom we call the Wintu. The Wintu occupied the main valley and they also extended north following the courses of the Sacramento and McCloud Rivers in to the Cascade Mountains. To the west they spilled over in to the Trinity River drainage. The Wintu were relatively sedentary foragers who lived in villages of from 30 to 250 people along the main rivers and creeks. They hunted and gathered vegetal materials, as did all native Californians. But they also focussed on fishing and their utilization of riverine resources was more pronounced and elaborate than that of surrounding groups. Because of this riverine adaptation their villages were larger, more closely located to one another and their rate of population growth was probably greater than that of surrounding groups. In the foothills and mountains surrounding the north end of the Sacramento Valley lived Hokan- speaking peoples. Linguists have made distinctions between these groups in terms of major differences in the languages which they spoke. Among those who shared contiguous boundaries with the Wintu were the Yana, the Achomawi and the Chimariko. The Yana lived to the east of the Sacramento River in the foothills and mountains. They occasionally visited the river, but did not have villages located on it. The Yana were somewhat less sedentary than the Wintu in the sense that they spent less time in their winter villages and more time in seasonal camps. Their villages were smaller and their population was less dense. They concentrated more on hunting than did the Wintu and did less fishing. The distinctions we are making between the Wintu and the Yana settlement and subsistence patterns are illustrated in Figure 1, borrowed from Clewett and Sundahl (1982). (Figure 1 about here) The Achomawi, also Hokan-speakers, lived along the Pit River, its tributaries and surrounding hills and mountains. Though their territory included a major river which was a rich source of anadromous fish, they were not as specialized in fishing as were the Wintu. It is likely that they were intermediate in terms of population density, village size, and time spent in the winter village between the Wintu and the Yana. The Chimariko were also Hokan-speakers in the sense that their language is classified as belonging to the Hokan linguistic stock. The Chimariko occupied the drainage of the South Fork of the Trinity River to the west and north of Wintu territory. Silver (1978) summarizes what is known of their social structure and culture. They were separated from the Yana by the intervening Wintu in the Sacramento Valley. Though the Yana and Chimariko languages are both within the Hokan stock, the linguistic distance between them is considerable. Says Swadesh (1960:15), A preliminary lexico-statistic count of cognates in a basic test vocabulary shows Chimariko and Yana to be about as far apart as modern English and Russian, and the two languages would seem to have been diverging for about four millennia. The spatial distance between the Yana and the Chimariko territories was about forty-five miles. The length of time since divergence estimated by Swadesh is based on the assumption that language change proceeds at a common rate for all languages and social situations, a simplification which is questioned by Renfrew (1987:117). This paper focusses primarily on the local intergroup relations among linguistic groups in Northern California. But these were occurring within the context of a larger trade network which linked these societies to those further south (see Figure 2). This network was characterized by the exchange of clam-disk bead "money" that was manufactured primarily by the Pomo Indians near Clear Lake in the Coast Range of Central California. The Pomo and their Penutian- speaking Patwin neighbors had the largest settlements in this trade network. The trade system was a down- the-line exchange in which contiguous groups passed goods along. Clam-disc bead strings moved from the Pomo north to the Wintu and their neighbors, and such items as obsidian projectile point blanks, hides, bows, and bow blanks made of yew wood moved south. An earlier study (Chase-Dunn, Clewett and Sundahl,1992) concludes that, unlike other prestige goods economies in which the monopolization of luxury items provides a basis of elite power over their local people, in California this system served a different function. The availability of tradeable, storable goods from the long-distance trade network facilitated local circuits of exchange in which shortages could be overcome by sharing resources. This lowered the probability that local groups experiencing a temporary shortage of food would resort to raiding their neighbors for supplies (Chagnon, 1970). (Figure 2 about here) The Wintu also received some trade items from a northern trade interaction network which was the source of a different kind of ornamental shell -- dentalia. But very little dentalia is archaeologically found in late prehistoric Wintu sites. The northern interaction network also included a slave trade in which some groups raided others for captives and traded the slaves north in exchange for valuables. The Modocs north of Mt. Shasta were notorious slave raiders who pestered the Achomawi and other upper Pit River Indians. This activity did not extend any farther south and did not directly affect the Wintu, though it may have affected the attitudes of some of the Hokan-speaking neighbors of the Wintu. We know from linguistic and archaeological evidence that the Penutian-speaking Wintu were relatively recent arrivals to Northern California and that they were expanding in to territory formerly occupied by Hokan-speaking peoples. This evidence is reviewed and summarized in Chase-Dunn, Clewett and Sundahl (1992). Wintu expansion is theoretically important because we are interested in the possible existence of core/periphery relations in this small-scale regional system. We follow Chase-Dunn and Hall's (1991, 1993) distinction between core/periphery differentiation and core/periphery hierarchy. Core/periphery differentiation exists when societies that have different degrees of population density, settlement size, complexity and hierarchy interact with one another in important ways. Core/periphery hierarchy exists when one society dominates or exploits another. Differentiation often leads to hierarchy because more complex and population-dense societies are often capable of exercising power over less complex and population- dense societies, but these do not always go together. In the case of Northern California, Chase-Dunn, Clewett and Sundahl (1992) contend that the relationship between the Wintu and their neighbors does constitute a mild case of core/periphery differentiation because of the differences illustrated in Figure 1. The Wintu valley dwellers were interacting frequently and in important ways with their Hokan-speaking neighbors in the foothills. The Wintu had larger villages and greater population density per land area than their neighbors. The question of core/periphery hierarchy is somewhat more difficult to answer. There is no evidence of systematic intergroup exploitation or domination of the kind that we find in many other world-systems. The Wintu were not extracting resources or labor from the Hokan-speakers. But the Wintu were advancing into the territory of their neighbors. In all systems the control of land is a primary resource and this is certainly the case for these sedentary foragers. Hunting and gathering uses up nature and the balance between population and resources is a critical feature of these societies. The maintenance of boundaries between communal territories was a main focus of the institutional mechanisms of intergroup interaction. When one group takes the territory of another is this not a form of exploitation which ought to count as core/periphery hierarchy? This paper is a further consideration of this question which employs linguistic evidence. We will examine Wintu, Yana, Achomawi and Chimariko placenames in order to look for similarities and differences in the way the Wintu interacted with their neighbors. The first point to make is that the Wintu expansion was rather slow. When they moved in to the Sacramento Valley in the ninth century A.D. the Wintu were occupied an ecological niche which was only exploited seasonally by the hill-dwelling Hokan speakers. Their expansion out of the main valley was rather slow. Based on archaeological evidence showing the advance of the "Shasta Complex" (Sundahl, 1982; Chase-Dunn, Clewett and Sundahl, 1992:32) the estimated rate of advance varied from thirty-eight to fifty-three years per mile. Nevertheless, the fact that territory was lost to the Hokan-speaking groups could well have been a source of friction. We are interested in studying how the valley-dwelling Wintu interacted with their hill-dwelling neighbors, and also in understanding differences in Wintu relations with different Hokan- speaking groups. All these groups were engaging in considerable interaction with one another. It was not the case that culturally-defined boundaries corresponded with the boundaries of interaction networks. Cross-cultural relations among linguistic groups included trade, reciprocal feasting, collective hunting and gathering, intermarriage, and fighting. The collective fighting included both "line wars" in which groups damaged each other in a rather controlled fashion until the dispute was resolved, and raiding, which was a far more violent and destructive kind of warfare. Our larger research project (Chase-Dunn, 1991) is collecting and coding data on all these forms of interaction in order to study their spatial structure in this small-scale world-system, but we have yet to analyze these data. The point to make here is that there was plenty of interaction across linguistic boundaries, so we do not have a case of separate minisystems. The earlier paper (Chase-Dunn, Clewett and Sundahl,1992) suggested two different ways in which the Wintu were expanding their territory. The first was through occupation of a new village site on the edge of existing Wintu territory. This would have occurred when an existing village got too large for available resources and one group split off to find a new location. An instance that may have resulted from such a scenario was reported as an historical account by Merriam (1955:16). A Wintu village on Clikapudi Creek was attacked by a band of Yana warriors. The Yana used this area as a seasonal hunting and gathering ground and perceived the Wintu villagers as trespassers. The raid may have been an effort by the Yana to eject the Wintu from this location. In this instance the Wintu sent out messengers to villages near and far to call for reinforcements, and these beat back the Yana attackers and held the ground. This is an instance of how a society with greater population density can win out over a society with a lessor population density. The ability to outnumber the enemy in a confrontation is a major determinant of the outcome (e.g. Kelly, 1985). The other type of Wintu expansion is what we label "Wintuization." This occurs when Wintu men and women marry in to an existing Hokan-speaking village and bring the Wintu language and technological tool kit with them. If this occurs to a great enough extent the village becomes a Wintu village even though many of the people may be descended from Hokan-speakers. There is some linguistic evidence for this kind of expansion. Villages far up the McCloud River were reported to include people who spoke both Wintu and a Shastan dialect (Okwanuchu). And this kind of pacific expansion involving bilingualism and mutual adaptation is known in other areas of aboriginal California (Lamb,1962; Jackson, 1989). We would like to find out if linguistic evidence can help us study these two kinds of Wintu expansion. For this purpose we will employ data on place names collected primarily by John Peabody Harrington (Bauman, 1981). The Harrington placenames were supplemented and annotated in a more recent study of placenames assembled by Theodoratus (1985). James Bauman (1980) studied Chimariko placenames and the placenames of surrounding peoples, including the Wintu, to provide a new interpretation of the precontact boundaries of Chimariko territory. In this study Bauman noted the large percentage of placename pairs -- locations for which we know both the Chimariko name and the Wintu name -- which were calques. A calque is a linguistic instance in which the meaning of a word in one language has been translated in to another language. So, for example, New York is called Nueva York by speakers of Spanish. Bauman observed that many of the Wintu placenames along the borders of Chimariko territory were calques of the Chimariko place names. So, for example, a deep fishing hole in the South Fork of the Trinity River at the mouth of Eltapom Creek is called puqhentsa 'atse (big basket place) by the Chimariko and teleq 'ilav' (big basket place) by the Wintu. We assume that is the Wintu that have done the translating (rather than the Chimariko) because of archaeological evidence which suggests that the Wintu are moving in to what was formerly Chimariko territory. In some cases the two names mean the same thing, but one may not be a translation of the other. It is possible that the Wintu and the Pit River groups both call a place "Bee Flat" because there are a lot of bees on the flat rather than because on group has translated the name of the other. Anyone might call a place in the river "black rock pool" because there is a big black rock in the pool. We have not tried to eliminate such cases, but we assume that their likelihood does not differ across dyads. Bauman surmises that the great number of these calques indicates that the Wintu have pacific relations with the Chimariko even though they are expanding in to Chimariko territory. Because Bauman is a linguist and because we are adopting and extending his method, assumptions and data we will quote the conclusions of his study regarding place name data and intergroup relations (Bauman, 1981:25). Should the analysis presented here stand against critical appraisal then certain conclusions would follow concerning the social mechanisms by which the Chimariko were being superseded by other groups. To suggest these very briefly, it would seem first that any a priori assumption of hard and fast boundaries between the separate groups is not tenable. The Chimarikos on two fronts seem to have had relatively stable political arrangements with their neighbors, involving the co-use and co- occupation of various tracts of border land. Secondly, these political arrangements fostered bilingualism in the concerned areas which was expressed in a significant amount of linguistic borrowing. Thirdly, the bilingual setting once established prepared the stage for the eventual assimilation of one group to the other given the appropriate stimuli. In the Chimariko case assimilation took place in the north to the Hupa and in the south to the Wintu, resulting in conflicting allegiances and reduced interaction between the two halves of the group. It is likely, then, that even without White incursions the process would have reached its endpoint in the elimination of the Chimariko as an independent group.... Essentially what has been sketched is a mechanism whereby no major cultural disruption occurs and where an immigrant group is able to assimilate gradually to the necessary facts of the local environment.... This mechanism contrasts sharply with one predicated on political upheaval and overthrow, which would necessarily produce a very different set of linguistic contact data, e.g. no necessary one-to-one correlation among named places; few calques; and, overall, fewer placenames in the language of the intruding group. The hypotheses that we draw from Bauman are: 1. linguistic groups having more pacific relations will have more shared placenames per lineal mile of territorial border and, 2. the ratio of calques to the number of pairs will be higher than when groups are antagonistic toward one another. Neighboring groups will have more placename pairs because they will more frequently utilize the same places than will antagonistic groups. A placename pair exists when we have the name of a place in two indigenous languages. The phenomenon of uninhabited buffer zones between antagonistic groups has been proposed for the area between the Wintu and the Yana (Johnston, 1978). Such a zone would be less likely to have places for which both groups have names. Neighboring groups that are friendly are likely to have more calques as a proportion of all placename pairs because they will share the same perceptions of a place and one group will be more likely to adopt the meaning of a place name and translate it into their own language. A high calque rate is also probably an indicator of a region of bilingualism. And bilingualism is probably associated with pacific interaction and intermarriage. Placename Pairs We have used the data provided in Theodoratus (1985), much of which was taken from Bauman (1981), to extend and quantify Bauman's approach. We use the list of placenames in Theodoratus to locate placename pairs. The bilateral relations we study are Wintu-Chimariko, Wintu-Yana, and Wintu-Pit River. Our first task was to locate all the places for which we know the names in two languages for each of these linguistic dyads. The place names in Theodoratus (1985) are listed by the U.S.G.S. quad maps on which the places appear. Examination of the placename pairs reveals that locations which have a name in two languages tend to be clustered along the common territorial borders. Exceptions are high mountain peaks that are visible for long distances. Table 1: Place Name Pairs and Pairs Per Mile Miles of Placename Pairs Common Border Pairs Per Mile Wintu-Yana 11 50 .2 Wintu-Pit River 19 9 2.1 Wintu-Chimariko 91 26 3.5 Sources: placenames from Theodoratus (1985). Miles of border from Theodoratus (1981:43). We also use information from the map reproduced as Figure 3, taken from Theodoratus (1981:43), to estimate the length of the common borders between the groups. This allows us to estimate the number of placename pairs per mile of common border. (Figure 3 about here) If Bauman is right about the significance of the number of commonly named places the results in Table 1 imply that there may be significant differences in the nature of relations between the Wintu and the three Hokan-speaking groups. Despite a fifty mile common border with the Yana there are only eleven locations which have both Yana and Wintu names. Though the border with the Pit River Hokan-speakers is short (nine miles), there are nineteen places that have both Wintu and Pit River names. The common boundary with the Chimariko is intermediate in length compared to the other boundaries, but there are ninety-one separate locations that have both Chimariko and Wintu names. If hypothesis number 1 above is correct the Wintu-Yana relationship should be most antagonistic, the Wintu- Chimariko relationship should be least antagonistic and the Wintu-Pit River relationship should be intermediately so. Calques To determine the calque rate -- the proportion of calques among placename pairs -- we tried to ascertain for each placename pair whether or not it was a calque. For some of the pairs the meanings of both placenames were given in Theodoratus (1985). When this was not the case we resorted to use of dictionaries. Wintu is a language which is well-known to linguists and we used the most recent and complete dictionary, that by Pitkin (1985). Yana is also a famous language among linguists and there exists an older but still respected dictionary by Sapir and Swadesh (1960). For the Pit River language we were constrained to use Olmsted (1966), though we were warned by Bauman (personal communication) of that dictionary's severe limitations. The situation regarding the Chimariko language was much worse. There are no published Chimariko dictionaries. James Bauman graciously provided us with a photocopy of Edward Sapir's Chimariko slip file, an unpublished copy of the cards on which Sapir recorded the responses of informants in 1927. We used this as best we could to determine the meanings of Chimariko place names. A list of all the placename pairs and those meanings which are known is included in the seventeen page Appendix. Our coding of place name pairs resulted in four categories: 1. calque, 2. not a calque, 3. don't know whether it is a calque or not, and 4. a borrowing, which means that a word from one language has been adopted in to the other language without translation. Table 2: Ratio of Calques to Total Number of Pairs: Percentages and Numbers (in Parenthesis) Yana-Wintu Pit River-Wintu Chimariko-Wintu Calque 0% (0) 32% (6) 59% (54) Not A Calque 82% (9) 58% (11) 20% (18) Don't Know 9% (1) 10% (2) 20% (18) Borrowing 9% (1) 0% (0) 1% (1) N (11) (19) (91) Though it was interesting for our argument above, the unevenness of the number of pairs for each dyad is unfortunate for the present task -- the determination of the proportion of placename pairs which are calques. We have only eleven placename pairs for the Wintu-Yana dyad and such a small number could easily misrepresent a situation. Yet it is striking in the context of the other dyads that none of the eleven Wintu-Yana placename pairs are calques. Could this happen by chance alone? Yes. But if we add that the small number of placename pairs is also an indicator of antagonistic relations, the case is strengthened. The results of Table 2 conform exactly with the results in Table 1. If a high calque ratio is an indicator of amicable relations, the Wintu-Yana relationship must have been unfriendly because the calque ratio is zero. The Wintu-Pit River calque ratio is intermediate at 32% and the Wintu-Chimariko calque ratio is cozy at 59%. The proportion of Don't Knows corresponds with the quality of the Yana, Pit River, and Chimariko "Dictionaries" as discussed above. The proportion of borrowings does not correspond with our hypotheses, but the "nine percent" Wintu-Yana figure is due to one case, that of Clikapudi Creek. Clikapudi means battle ground in Yana. The Wintu had several villages on this creek and the story related above about an attack by Yana warriors on a Wintu village is thought to have occurred on Clikapudi Creek. We are not sure that the Wintu used the Yana name for this creek, but we have no Wintu name, so that is likely to have been the case. At any rate, if this is an instance of linguistic borrowing, it is obviously not due to amicable relations, but rather the opposite sort. Before we begin our interpretation of the above results we need to discuss possible sources of error and mistaken inference. Ethnographers and linguists undoubtedly paid more attention to the Wintu than to their Hokan-speaking neighbors so we are more likely to know Wintu placenames than to know the placenames of the Hokan-speakers. This fact does not affect our inferences because the Wintu are present in each of the dyads we are comparing. We would like to make inferences about relations among groups in the late prehistoric period, that is before 1849. Using linguistic evidence gathered at least fifty years later after a major cataclysm in which Native Americans were forcibly evicted from some areas ,many were killed, and their indigenous mode of subsistence and social relations were largely destroyed, is obviously a bit risky. We are assuming that the place name data has at least fifty year time depth. This is certainly not true in every case. But what kinds of errors might affect our inferences due to changes in placenames which may have occurred since the Euro-american invasion? Ironically, the very processes which had been going on for centuries were probably intensified, speeded up, and transformed in nature. The Wintu occupied territory which was generally the most desirable for Euro- american settlement so they were pushed out and retreated up in to the hills where their Hokan-speaking neighbors lived. The Wintu may have also been somewhat more adaptable to assimilation into the newly-dominant Euro-american society. Whether or not that was true, they tended to survive in greater numbers than the Hokan-speakers. This was partly a consequence of them having had greater numbers and greater population density before the Gold Rush. The pushing of the Wintu in to the territories of their neighbors could have affected our results, especially if the push was uneven. If Wintu had been disproportionately pushed west into the territory of the Chimariko, that could account for why we find many more Wintu-Chimariko placename pairs. But the same circumstance ought to also lower the calque ratio for the Wintu-Chimariko dyad. It is difficult to undertake a program of amicable assimilation if the invasion must be accomplished quickly, as when large numbers of persons are forced to relocate into an area. If these placenames were due to Wintu displacement by Euro-Americans we should expect a much lower calque ratio. Also it is unlikely that the Wintu would have found a refuge region toward the west. Many of the gold diggings and the frantic activities of the Forty-Niners took place in the Trinity River drainage which was the joint home of the Wintu and the Chimariko. Displaced Wintu might have found an easier time going north up the McCloud, which they did, or up the Pit River. In theory they could also have gone in to Yana territory, as very little gold was there. There is no reason to suppose, therefore, that forced Wintu outmigration would have concentrated toward the Chimariko lands in the west. The problem of time depth aside, we are also assuming that the placename data we have is a representative sample of the true names of places. This may not be the case. Figure 4 shows the location and concentration of placenames as charted by Bauman (1981:10). Harrington worked with his elderly informants for months at a time and often traveled with them by car and on foot to many locations (Bauman, 1981; Walsh,1976). He also must have made use of maps to try to locate the geographic features which his informants were naming. It is obvious from the distribution of the places for which we have names that these tend to concentrate along modern transportation routes. Those places not located along roadways are sometimes attributed names, but such locations are certainly underrepresented. In most cases major Indian trails are paralleled now by roads but in other cases the routes are different. This would be likely to affect our analysis in cases where the territorial boundaries between linguistic groups cut through territory which is inaccessible by road or by elderly informants and their Boston Brahmin interrogators. (Figure 4 about here) Interpretation So what is going on here? We will be analyzing more data on interaction patterns from our coding project to test the hypothesis that the Wintu had different kinds of relationships with their neighbors. Our systematic coding of battles, intermarriages, procurement treks, trade feasts, and celebrations should enable us to say more about differential relations between the Wintu and their Hokan-speaking neighbors. We expect that the order revealed by the placename data will hold. The enmity between the Wintu and the Yana is rather well-known. Several sources translate one of the Wintu terms for the Yana as "eastern enemy." We have already mentioned the Clikapudi Creek battle story. James Dotta (1980) also interprets the form taken by the Wintu settlement system along the Yana frontier as evidence of a defensive formation. The Wintu spatial system of villages was a local hierarchy in which villages were located along creeks and rivers. Larger villages were generally surrounded by smaller ones in a two- tiered settlement size hierarchy. But along Cow Creek and Little Cow Creek, the boundary between Wintu and Yana territories, Dotta observed what he termed a "picket" of small, closely-placed villages (see Figure 5). He argued that these had been strategically placed to prevent Yana incursions. (Figure 5 about here) We need to try to explain why Yana relations with the Wintu were less amicable than Wintu relations with other Hokan-speaking groups. But first we should mention that, though the relationship between the Wintu and the Yana may have been the most antagonistic relationship the Wintu had with any of their neighbors, there is some evidence that the Wintu and the Yana were not mortal enemies. A number of sources speak of Wintu- Yana trade. We know that there was a least some intermarriage between the two linguistic groups. The story of Sid-di-pou-i-wi-ta (Gillis, 1923; DuBois, 1935) shows both elements of enmity and elements of pacific interaction. Sid-di-pou-i-wi-ta was alleged to have been a headman of a Wintu village near Redding. Though he was a Wintu headman one of his parents was Yana. In all the different versions of the story he organized a major attack on the Wintu villages on the McCloud River. The attack was repulsed and Sid- di-pou-i-wi-ta was forced to leave his home village. He escaped to the territory of his relatives among the Yana. This story demonstrates intermarriage and pacific interaction because a man with close Yana relatives could become a headman of an important Wintu village. But it also illustrates enmity by the escape of the defeated Sid- di-pou-i-wi-ta and his protection by the Yana. Let us assume that our placename results hold when we examine other types of interaction. Why might Wintu relations be less amicable with the Yana than with the other Hokan-speakers? Land envy might have produced just the opposite situation. The Achomawi and the Chimariko lived in territories which had natural resources which were especially attractive to the Wintu - - large rivers containing anadromous fish runs. The Yana, on the other hand lived in foothills and mountains containing only small creeks. It might be supposed that the Wintu would leave the Yana alone because their territory was not desirable, while moving more aggressively into the territories of the Pit River and Chimariko groups. We expect that this was partly true. The Wintu in fact did not move very far east of the Sacramento River, while they did move up the main channels of this river and over the ridge to the west into the Trinity River drainage. But there is another factor here -- the presence of Tuscan obsidian outcroppings within the western edge of what had formerly been Yana territory. We know that both the Wintu and the Yana used this tuscan obsidian almost exclusively for the production of projectile points (Sundahl, 1983; Sundahl and Clewett, 1991). Access to the nearby obsidian outcroppings may have been an important and strategic matter which created enmity between the Wintu and the Yana. But why should desirable riverine environment have motivated pacific expansion while desirable mineral resources caused enmity? Good question. Here we turn to an explanation of linguistic change and territorial expansion developed by Colin Renfrew (1987:124-31). Renfrew is trying to explain how the Indo-european linguistic stock spread across Europe with the coming of neolithic farming. In his model a population with a big technological advantage relative to the original inhabitants of a region can move in to an area and outnumber the original inhabitants because the new technology allows for a much higher population density. His model relates neolithic agriculture with mesolithic foraging, and there is an approximate fifty- fold increase in the population density allowed by farming over foraging. Renfrew argues that farmers do not occupy exactly the same ecological niche as foragers and so they may not always be in direct competition with one another. The possibilities for symbiosis between farmers and foragers in close proximity to one another has been proposed for the European case by Gregg (1988). Renfrew contends that a relatively peaceful process of language change and population movement into an already-populated territory may occur whenever an expanding population has a technology which can raise population density. The farming-foraging contrast allows a huge jump in density, but smaller differences in technology may also allow for friendly expansion via assimilation. We know that the Wintu were more adapted to riverine environments than their Hokan-speaking neighbors. When they moved into such an environment they were able to increase the food supply and to, therefore, increase the population density. In principle this could benefit both the immigrants and the original population. This might explain why Wintu movement in to Chimariko and Pit River territory was proceeding relatively peacefully, while movement in to Yana territory was not. The Wintu had little to offer the Yana, who had no rivers to exploit. Another possibility is that social organizational features other than subsistence technology may have played a role in Wintu expansion. We have already seen how the ability of an attacked Wintu village to call upon reinforcements over a wide and densely-populated region gave them the upper hand in a conflict with the Yana at Clikapudi Creek. Perhaps these sorts of advantages also allowed them to expand peacefully into Chimariko territory. Because of their already-greater population density, interaction network density, and the greater resources and social surplus which could be realized in the riverine environment of the Sacramento Valley, Wintu headmen could afford to entertain Chimariko groups and to marry the daughters of Chimariko headmen. The Wintu kinship structure was not ideally suited to this kind of expansion by marriage alliance because of the preference for marrying sisters (the levirate). The first and second wives of a headman were usually sisters from an immediately adjacent village. Only the third wife was likely to be from a distant village. Headmen rarely had more than three wives and so the possibilities for broad coalitions sealed by marriage to any single headman were somewhat constrained. This was not an efficient system for the cumulation of inequalities. In fact it was just the opposite. It was a system in which equality was institutionally protected. Nevertheless, the Wintu had more possibilities for long-distance marriage alliances than there Hokan- speaking neighbors for the reasons stated above. This kind of explanation based on social organizational differences can explain the ability of the Wintu to expand into the territories of their neighbors, but not differences in the rates and directions and degree of enmity (or amity) involved in such expansion. It is possible that other social organizational features made amity easier between Wintu and Chimariko than between Wintu and Yana. Perhaps the Wintu and Chimariko kinship systems were more compatible. This hypothesis needs to be examined, but for now we prefer the demographic/subsistence explanation proffered above. Another point of comparison may shed some light on this. Though the Euro-american invasion was the incorporation of a very small and egalitarian world- system by a very large and hierarchical one, this incorporation was analytically similar to the Wintu expansion in some ways. The Wintu expansion occurred within the context of an already integrated intersocietal system while the Euro-american expansion involved the engulfment of one world-system by another. But let us compare these two instances using the linguistic approach developed above. If we consider our "sample" of 121 placenames listed in the Appendix, it is possible to search for borrowing and calques from the Indian languages into English. Of the 121 placenames there are three probable calques and either four of five borrowings. The most likely calque is Mud Creek, a stream whose name has the same meaning in English, Wintu and Pit River languages. Little Black Rock has this meaning in English, Wintu and Chimariko. Big Creek may be a calque but its name in Chimariko is Big Rock Creek and in Wintu it is Big Rock South Creek. One of the borrowings is interesting. Hyampom is the current name of a small town on the South Fork of the Trinity River. This word means "land of the Chimariko" in Wintu. One of the Wintu words for mountain, buli, finds itself in several current names of mountains, e.g. Shasta Bally, Bolibokka, and perhaps Bully Hill. Eltapom Creek in the Hyampom region is the modern name taken from the Wintu. Thus there are few borrowings or calques in which Indian names have been translated in to English. How does this observation fit in to our discussion above? The expansion of the modern world-system into Native California territory was not very amicable. Native Californians were not generally incorporated by intermarriage or other forms of assimilation into the economic activities of the Euro-americans despite the fact that the Euro-americans were bearers of a technology which allowed a much higher populations density per land area. The first observation here is that it is possible to have to great a difference in modes of subsistence, and that when this is the case it is very difficult for assimilation to occur. The egalitarian social relations and foraging subsistence strategy of the Native Californians were not at all compatible with the mining and agricultural pursuits and the wage-labor institutions which were the bread and butter of the Euro-americans. Mining polluted the rivers and creeks. Agriculture, stock-raising and hunting with rifles and shotguns destroyed the natural resource base upon which the Wintu and their neighbors subsisted. The lack of large scale political organization among the Indians made it difficult for the Euro- americans to establish stable relations with them. An agreement might be reached with some Indians, but it would not be honored by others. When stock-raiding or violence against Euro-americans by Indians occurred, the Euro-americans responded by attacking Indians indiscriminately. A cycle of such attacks led to the rapid reduction of the Indian populations in most areas. So this is a case in which, even though the expanding group had much to offer in terms of increasing the productivity of the land, the differences between them and the original inhabitants were too great for expansion to take the assimilationist path. That this is due to the particular form of production in which the Euro-americans engaged, rather than some other feature of the modern world-system, is indicated by the example of the fur trade as engaged by the French trappers. In this case individual Frenchmen would move in to a promising region and establish an alliance with a headman or chief. Often he would marry one or more of the chiefs daughters and link himself in to the indigenous kinship system. This gave him access to labor in way that wage labor did not, though the trapper's ability to import goods in exchange for the furs he was exporting certainly facilitated his business. This kind of incorporation would certainly produce bilingualism and calques. But the fur trade was never established in northern California because the Gold Rush brought miners and farmers in to the region in great numbers. Under these circumstances the "law of cultural dominance" played out its hand in a particularly brutal way. Notes References Bauman, James 1980 "Chimariko placenames and the boundaries of Chimariko territory." pp. 11-29 in K. Klar, M. Langdon and S. Silver (eds.) American Indian and Indo-european Studies The Hague: Mouton. ______ 1981 "The Harrington collection of Indian placenames in North Central California." Prepared under contract with the Shasta-Trinity National Forest Chagnon, Napoleon A. 1970 "Ecological and adaptive aspects of California shell money," Pp. 1-25 in Archaeological Survey Annual Report Vol. 12. Los Angeles: Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles. Baumhoff, M.A. and D. L. Olmsted 1963 "Palaihnihan: radiocarbon support for glottochronology." American Anthropologist 65:278-83. ________ 1964 "Notes on Palaihnihan culture history: glottochronology and archaeology." University of California Publications in Linguistics, Volume 34, Pp. 1- 12. Berkeley: University of California Press. Bright, William and Elizabeth 1959 "Spanish words in Patwin." Romance Philology 13,2:161-4 (November). Chagnon, Chase-Dunn, Christopher 1991 "Intersocietal inequalities in small world-systems." A research project funded by the National Science Foundation, Grant # SES-9110853. Chase-Dunn, Christopher and Thomas D. Hall (eds.) 1991 Core/Periphery Relations in Precapitalist Worlds. Boulder, CO.: Westview. __________________ 1993 "Comparing world-systems: concepts and working hypotheses." Social Forces (June). Chase-Dunn, Christopher, S. Edward Clewett and Elaine Sundahl 1992 "A very small world-system in Northern California: the Wintu and their neighbors." Presented at the 57th annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Pittsburgh, April 8-12. Clewett, S. Edward and Elaine Sundahl 1982 "The Tehama pattern: an alternative model for Northern California prehistory." Presented to the Society for California Archaeology, Northern California Data Sharing Session, Sacramento, October 23. de Angulo, Jaime and L.S. Freeland 1931 "The Achomawi language." International Journal of American Linguistics 6,2:77-120. Dotta, James 1980 "Some elements of Wintu social organization as suggested by Curtin's 1884-89 notes," In Margaret Guilford-Kardell and James Dotta, "Some pre-contact Shasta County Wintu site locations: a correlation of the previously unpublished notes of Jeremiah Curtin and J.P. Harrington with later published, recorded, and unrecorded data on the Dawpom, Winemem, Puidalpom and Waimuk areas of Wintu population." Occasional Papers of the Redding Museum, Number 1 (December). DuBois, Cora 1935 Wintu Ethnography University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, 36,1:1-148. Berkeley: University of California Press Friedman, Jonathan and Michael Rowlands 1977 "Toward an epigenetic model of the evolution of 'civilization.'" Pp. 201-78 in J. Friedman and M. Rowlands (eds.) The Evolution of Social Systems. London:Duckworth. Gillis, Alfred C. 1923 "The story of Sid-di-pou-i-wi-ta." California Indian Herald edited by George Wharton James (July). Gregg, Susan A. 1988 Foragers and Farmers: Population Interaction and Agricultural Expansion in Prehistoric Europe. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ______(ed.) 1991 Between Bands and States. Center for Archaeological Investigations, Occasional Paper #9, Carbondale, IL.: Soutehern Illinois University. Heizer, Robert 1978 California, Volume 8 of the Handbook of North American Indians. Washington, DC : Smithsonian Institution. Jackson, Thomas L. 1989 "Reconstructing migration in California prehistory,"American Indian Quarterly 13,4:359-68 (Fall). Kelly, Raymond c. 1985 The Nuer Conquest: The Structure and Development of an Expansionist System. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. King, Chester 1978 "Protohistoric and historic archaeology." Pp. 58-68 in Heizer (ed.) Handbook. Kristiansen, Kristian 1987 "Centre and periphery in Bronze Age Scandinavia." pp. 74-86 in Michael Rowlands, Mogens Larsen and Kristian Kristiansen 9eds.) Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kroeber, Alfred L. 1971 "The tribe in California," Pp. 367-84 in Robert F. heizer and M.A. Whipple (eds.) The California Indians: A Sourcebook. 2nd edition. Berkeley: University of California Press. Lamb, Sydney M. 1962 "Linguistic diversification and extinction in North America," International Congress of Americanists, 35th Acts and Proceedings, Volume 2: 457-64. Mexico, D.F.: Editorial Libros de Mexico. Merriam, C. Hart 1926 "The classification and distribution of the Pit River Indian tribes." Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 78,3:1-52. _______ 1955 Studies of California Indians. Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress. Olmsted, D. L. 1966 Achumawi Dictionary. University of California Publications in Linguistics, Volume 45. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pitkin, Harvey 1984 Wintu Grammar. University of California Publications in Linguistics, Volume 94. Berkeley: University of California Press. ______ 1985 Wintu Dictionary University of California Publications in Linguistics, Volume 95. Berkeley: University of California Press. Renfrew, Colin 1987 Archaeology and Language: The Puzzle of Indo-European Origins. London: Jonathan Cape. Sapir, Edward n.d. "Chimariko Slip File" unpublished photocopy of linguistic data on notecards collected in 1927. Notes and comments not in Sapir's hand were made by George Grekoff. ______ 1917 "The position of Yana in the Hokan stock," University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Volume 13, No. 1, pp. 1-34 (July 12). Sapir, Edward and Morris Swadesh 1960 Yana Dictionary (ed. Mary Haas).University of California Publications in Linguistics, Volume 22, Berkeley: University of California Press. Schortman, Edward and Patricia Urban 1992 Resources, Power and Interregional Interaction. New York: Plenum. Shepherd, Alice 1989 Wintu Texts University of California Publications in Linguistics, Volume 117, Berkeley: University of California Press. Silver, Shirley 1978 "The Chimariko" Pp. 205-10 in Robert F. Heizer (ed.) Handbook of North American Indians Volume 8 "California." Washington, D.C." Smithsonian Institution. Spielmann, Katherine A. (ed.) 1991 Farmers, Hunters and Colonists: Interaction between the Southwest and the Southern Plains. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Sundahl, Elaine 1982 "The Shasta complex in the Redding area." M.A. thesis,Department of Anthropology, California State University, Chico. Sundahl, Elaine and S. Edward Clewett 1991 "Archaeological investigations in the Salt Creek drainage, Shasta County, CA." Reports of the Shasta Cellege Archaeological Laboratory, Shasta College, Redding, CA. Swadesh, Morris 1960 "Introduction" in Sapir and Swadesh, Yana Dictionary. Theodoratus, Dorothea J. 1981 "Native American culttural overview: Shasta-Trinity National Forest." Theodoratus Cultural Research, Fair Oaks, CA. ______ 1985 "Mapping Project: Ethnographic Inventory, Shasta-Trinity National Forest, Mendocino National Forest (Corning and Stonyford RD, Redding Resource Area, Bureau of Land Management, USDA, FS Contract # 53-9A28-0-3130." Theodoratus Cultural Research, Fair Oaks, CA. (June). Wallerstein, Immanuel 1984 "The quality of life in different social systems: the model and the reality." Pp. 147-58 in I. Wallerstein The Politics of the World- Economy Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Walsh, Jane MacLaren 1976 John Peabody Harrington: The Man and His California Indian Fieldnotes. Ramona, CA.: Ballena Press Whistler, Kenneth W. 1977 "Wintun prehistory: an interpretation based on linguistic reconstruction of plant and animal nomenclature." Berkeley Linguistics Society, Proceedings, Volume 3, Pp. 157-74. Wiant, Wayne C. 1981 "Southern Yana subsistence and settlement: an ecological model." M.A. thesis, California State University, Sacramento. Appendix: Wintu, Yana, Pit River and Chimariko Placenames in Northern California -- Data on pairs for determining Calque Rates This is the data appendix to Christopher Chase-Dunn and Mahua Sarkar, "Place Names and Intersocietal Interaction: Wintu Expansion in to Hokan territory in Late Prehistoric Northern California" This file uses information from the Theodoratus Cultural Research publication to determine the ratio of calques to the total number of place name pairs for three bilateral relationships: Wintu-Yana, Wintu-Achomawi and Wintu- Chimariko. The Achomawi are called Pit River in this document. The Reference for the data source is Theodoratus Cultural Research, Mapping Project, Ethnographic Inventory, Shasta-Trinity National Forest, Mendocino National Forest (Corning and Stonyford RD) Redding Resource Area, Bureau of Land Management, USDA, FS Contract # 53-9428-0-3130. Calques are instances in which the meaning of a place name in one langage has been translated into another language. Placename pairs occur primarily along the boundaries between linguistic groups, but are also so found for objects, such as high mountains, that can be seen for a long distance. The job was to determine for each pair whether it was or was not a calque. Sometimes the meaning of the place names was given in Theodoratus. In many other cases it was necessary to use dictionaries in order to determine the meanings. This resulted in three main categories: calque, not a calque, and don't know. Don't know resulted when one or both place names could not be translated or when the meaning of one could not be eliminated as the meaning of the other. A fourth category is a Borrowing. This occurs when a actual or a similar sounding word is taken for the place name. This is a list of all the pairs for each bilateral relationship. PR-W = Pit River-Wintu, PR-Y = Pit River- Yana (not analyzed here), Y-W = Yana-Wintu. The pairs are given for each U.S.G.S. Quad map in which the locations appear. Big Bend Quad PR-W 4,18,20,28,69 PR-Y 1,2,3,7,15,18,19,20,24,28,29,37,50,51,53,54,58,59, 60,61,62,63, Wintu-Yana 18,20,28 Bollibokka Quad PR-W 10,61,105,230, PR-Y 8,61,105?,226,227,228, unnumbered on p. 28, Y-W 61,79,105? Dubakella Quad Wintu-Chimariko 5, Hayfork Quad Wintu-Chimariko 4,10,25,27,29,36,47, Helena Quad Wintu-Chimariko 3, Hyampom Quad Wintu-Chimariko 10,11,18, 19, 23, 24, 26, 30, 31, 35, 41, 43,45,48,49,50,51,53,59,62,63,66,67,68,69,70,71,72,73 74, 75, 76, 77,78, 79, 80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 87, 88, 90, 92, 93, 95, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 111, 114, 116, 119, 121, 122, 123, Ironside Quad Wintu-Chimariko 2, 9, 12, Millville Quad (note; Clikapudi is a Yana name. The Wintu just took this name. Or we dont know the Wintu name. See the villages in Kardell and Dotta)) Wintu-Yana 20, 21, PR-Yana Wintu-PR Montgomery Creek Quad Wintu-Yana 154 PR-Yana 18, 21, 23, 24, 28, 29, 31, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 43, 44, 46, 47, 48, 59, 70, 71, 75, 78, 80, 86, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 100, 101,102,103,106,109,154,155, 156, (p. 19, not mapped ) Wintu-PR 154 Pickett Peak Quad Wintu-Chimariko 2,9, Pilot Creek Quad Wintu-Chimariko 1,4,5,7,8,9,10,12,13,15, Redding Quad (only one Yana site , see p. 11, mtn north of Stillwater creek, mythological. Shasta Quad Wintu-PR 2(MtShasta), 5 Wintu-Chimariko 2 Wintu-Yana 2 Shoeinhorse Quad Wintu-PR 12, 16, 18,19,20,23,28,29, Tuscan Buttes Quad Nomlaki/Yana Weaverville Quad Wintu-Chimariko 11, 28, Willow Creek Quad Wintu-Chimariko 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Pair Totals: Wintu-Pit River 19 Wintu-Yana 10 (or 11) Yana-Pit River 72 Wintu-Chimariko 97 Do these numbers of pairs mean anything? What about if you control for the length of the boundary between groups? Say the wintu share the same length of boundary with the yana as the achomawi do. So what is the significance of the fact that the achomawi have seven times as many commonly named sites as the wintu do? Does this mean the yana were more friendly with the achomawi than with the wintu? Why would two groups each have names for the same site. Ok. 1. this occurs primarily along boundaries. Several of the quads have only names from one linguistic group because they do not include boundary regions. Exceptions are things you can see for a long way like Shasta Bally and Mt Shasta. so having a long boundary increases the number of pairs. but what if we control for this? 2. Why do peaceful relations increase the number of pairs? sharing of sites. 3. but sometimes conflictual relations could also result in pairs. if one group is being pushed out they may have names for things that used to be in their territory. and if a region is a battle ground both groups will have names for sites. check this out in Tuscan area. 4. does linguistic closeness affect number of pairs or number of calques? see if % of calques is correlated with # of pairs per boundary length. The calque rate= # of calques as a proportion of those pairs for which we have meanings for both names. can eliminate the possibility of a calque if you have one meaning and can be sure (with the dictionary) that the other name does not mean the same thing. Assumption of communications and geographical proximity. wouldnt work in the modern world of fiber optic cables. everybody has there own name for everything. cost of communications. Galton's problem, Naroll's solution, comment in Prsworski and tuene. But there are calques. Nueva York remarks in [ ] are my additions. ------------------------------------------------------ ----------------------- I. Yana-Wintu pairs. Big Bend Quad 18 Hunt Hot Spring(NC) Y= witchu 'ayaha (salt spring) [salt=wiicu; spring=haayaxa] W= tc'erepom (sandy place) [sand= 'cer] 20 Kosk Creek (NC) Y= wacu'p'di; [waku= olivella shell beads. padi= place; sucker= galaa; zamulwa] W=tchirpomwaqat (sucker creek) 28 Big Bend Area (NC) Y= tcawtcamna [sand=kui?yau(na); camna= bed?] W= tc'erepom (sandy place) Bollibokka Quad 61 Fender's Flat(NC) W= xohbulikhen (down from Round Mtn.) Y= pakilmawha (water comes down fast) [Round Mtn= ziigalmadu] 79 Potem Creek (?) W= xolomton waywaqat [xolomto.= a dipper; way= north; waqat=creek] Y= tcilawha or kamamatu [?] 105 Squaw Creek(NC) W= waydalmem' [north river] Y= d'umatu or p'u'tiwi tcitc'awi [pudiwi= women; sid?gaawi= to break into crumbs] Millville Quad 20 Ben Jenkins place on the hilltop west of Ingot(NC) W=bayi khalay (cautinzing gap)? [bayi=when a log is only partly burnt] Y= 'akillawmaw yiya [aakaalili= lake] 21 area west of Ben Jenkins's place, known as Rocky Plains.(NC) W= k'ayk'ay ts'araw' (swing a light around flat) Y=mat'alk'aymatu(pieces of rock) 22 Clikapudi Creek not a pair because there is no Wintu name for it. Y=Clikapudi (battle ground). But the individual villages on the Creek have Wintu names, right? Check in Kardell and Dotta. These had been Wintu villages for since AD 1560 according to Elaine's evidence. The "last battle between the Wintu and the Nosse" (Merriam, 1962:16) must not have been motivated by a recent Wintu expansion. Maybe it was a Yana expansion attempt? Did the Wintu call it Clikapudi Creek? ask Elaine. Montgomery Creek Quad 154 Round Mountain(NC) W= xohbuli (Skunk Mountain) Y= tcikalmatu {Bauman,1981 30/C11} Y= woma'rawi {Waterman 1919:map} [Y= ziigalmadu{Sapir and Swadesh,247}] [Y skunk=peetai(na)] Redding Quad Not Mapped p. 11 Y= bala wi In Yana mythology Flint Woman lived at this mountain north of Stillwater Creek (Sapir 1910:216). This place is not shown on Waterman's map. it may be the same as Fish Mountain located in T33N, R4W, sec. 21, 28. no Wintu name for Fish Mountain. This is not a pair but it is an instance of a Yana place name within Wintu territory. Shasta Quad 2 Mt Shasta(NC) W= bohem puyuk, [big rise] waydal buli [north mountain] Y= wahkaluw ,waxgaluu [waxai= to rest] So, there are ten pairs, eleven if Clikapudi was what the Wintu called Clikapudi Creek. There are no Calques. There is one loanword if the Clikapudi name was used by the Wintu. Yana/Wintu Results # % Calque 0 0 Not a Calque 9 82 Dont Know 1 9 Borrowing 1 9 Total 11 100 ------------------------------------------------------ ----------------------- II. Wintu-Pit River Pairs: Big Bend Quad 4 Little Joe Flat (C) PR= p'asiloma (buckeye) W= yonoton' (buckeye) 18 Hunt Hot Spring (NC) PR= sutti tcaw'a (a little spring place) [sand=tas] W= tc'erepom (sandy place) 20 Kosk Creek (NC) PR= 'anutcitci 'alussa [anuto= edge; sucker = lathe] W= tchirpomwaqat (sucker creek) 28 Big Bend Area (NC) PR= mates [sandy= tasama] W= tc'erepom (sandy place) 69 large flat on west side of Kosk Cr. above Hunt Hot Spring (C) PR= lathew tiq'ahte (sucker ground) W= tchirpom (sucker place) Bollibokka Quad 10 Formerly John Mile's place (C) PR= tc'iyya 'atwam (bee flat) [yellowjacket= jeyu] W= hubitl'abal (hubi= yellowjacket)[pitkin: bee=hub;yellowjacket=kec] 61 Fender's Flat (NC) PR= wa'wa 'atwam (big flat) W= xohbulikhen (down from Round Mtn.) 105 Squaw Creek (NC) PR= tc'iywit or 'is 'amihthewtcan 'u'alusa [alusa=creek][north =tohoja tuki tantan] Madesi= juyuwit W= waydalmem'[north river] 230 McCloud River (NC) PR= 'ith 'atcumma (Mt. Shasta River) W= bohem mem' (big water) W= winimem (middle river) Montgomery Creek Quad 154 Round Mountain(NC) PR= masep'ut or pasep'ut [skunk=hayana,wawa utaluk] W= xohbuli (skunk mountain) Shasta Quad 2 Mount Shasta (NC) PR= 'ith 'aq'o [ithe= under; aqo=mountain W= bohem puyuk,[ big rise] waydal buli [north mountain] 5 A large hunting area immediately south of W. yipokos phuyuq; evidently the area of ASh Creek valley (Bauman 1981:40/D5). (C) PR=tammewyalo (sunflower sp.) W= ts'iday'pom' (little sunflower ground) Shoeinhorse Quad 12 Johnny Hibbs's place at lower end of Huckleberry Valley(NC) PR= 'ithathwam [ithe = under; atwam=valley] W= ts'araw puykhennodal'[ts'araw=flat; puy=east; 16 A mountain at the very north end of Curl Ridge and at the head of Claiborne Ck.; evidently McKenzie Mtn (Bauman, 1981:41/E16). (?) PR= haduq'elade W= bulitarak phuyuq [tarak= a kind of wild fowl; phuyuq= mountain] 18 Big Springs(?) PR= 'itcutc'uhtci' W= buktci' [buk=dark] 19 Mud Creek(C) PR='awmi 'alussa (mud creek) W= buqulwaqat (mud creek) 20 Huckleberry Valley (C) PR= 'alikhatshe' (trout in the water) W= sulankhensuston [sula = trout; sus= where one has been] or ts'araw puykhen [ts'araw= flat] 23 Squaw Valley Creek (don't count this) PR= thusi 'alussa (good creek) W= dawintcikalas "the Wintu name refers primarily to the area around the mouth, while the Pit River name refers to the stream course in Squaw Valley (Bauman, 1981:42/E23). 28 Schoeinhorse Mtn.(NC) PR= qaqwiyum [yellow pine=asu;ismilo] W= siditon phuyuq [sidimi= yellow pine tree;sidi=pine needles] 29 Place on east bank of McCloud River, approximately 4 miles downriver of McCloud River Club; Abe Morgan's place, now a copper mining camp (Bauman 1981:42/E29). (NC) PR= 'isi'annimi'wa [isiana=somebody] W= solopton' (boulders) Pit River/Wintu Results # % Calques 6 32 Not a Calque 11 58 Don't Know 2 10 Borrowing 0 Total 19 100 ------------------------------------------------------ --------------------- III. Chimariko-Wintu Pairs Chimariko-Wintu Results: Number Percent Calques 54 59.3 Not a Calque 18 19.7 Don't Know 18 19.7 Borrowing 1 1.1 __ ____ Total 91 99.8 Dubakella Mountain Quad. 5 Little Black Rock (C) W= son tsululi son = rock; culul = black C= ghatshelle'i tc'e'le`e = black Mountain south of Wildwood. (Bauman 1981:125/T5) Hayfork Quad 4 A flat at mouth of Oregon Gulch on east side of Trinity R., now mined off (C) W= p'ur ts'araw' p'ur = onion; caraw = field, flat C= sapxir maytsa sapxir = onion; maytsa = flat, meadow. (Bauman 1981:121/S5) 10 A big basin in the mountains immediately south and across the Trinity River from Junction City (C) W= k'ulew pantiloq (k'ulew = bird sp) panti = on top of, above C= tiltilhima'tce ti'la = birds; maits'a = meadow, flat (Bauman 1981:121/S10) 25 Big Flat (?) W= ts'araw khenpom' caraw = flat, field; [look up khenpom] C= tc'untxapmu (no meaning) tc'un = dry [bitc'c-tc'un = "meat dry" ] (Based on Harrington's field notes in Bauman 1980:18, 1981:122/S25.) tcintxapmu (Dixon 1910a:379) chin-hap-mo, is a village at Big Flat on Trinity. (Merriam, 1976:127.) 27 Big Bar (?) W= tc'araw' khenpom {same as Big Flat above} C= sitahima'tce (top of the spring) The Wintu equivalent is also given as winthun memin xani' (Indian jumped in the water) indicating some confusion regarding this area. (Bauman,1981:122/S27) Scene of mass marriage between "Squaw men and their squaws when, in 1862, orders from General Wright said that all Indian women not lawfully married to white men would be moved to a reservation. (Southern Papers: "The Squaw Man" n.d.:Folder 1) sitimaace (C) (from Harrington's field notes, 1921-28, in silver 1978a:207). hitcheqhut (may translate as either "deerlick at edge of water" or "pounding where one comes down" (based on wintu equivalent.) Identified as "the William Patterson place at Big Bar, formerly called Cox's Bar (Bauman 1980:18.) citimaadje, village location (Dixon 1910a:297). shitimadji (Kroeber 1925:110). He-cha-koot, "Former village below Big Bar on Trinity River" (Merriam 1976:127) 29 A spot in Trinity River at Big flat (C) W= winthun memin xani' (Indian jumped in the water) C= tcimali tutcutsamni (man jump in river) (Bauman 1981:122/S29) 36 Hayfork (?) W= norelpom (specific place name) [south land] C= trangoma (look up south in Sapir, ask Mahua) (Bauman 1981:123/S36) 47 Hayfork (?) (dont count again) W= norelpom ts'araw' (south land flat) C= tsanqhoma (no meaning) Wintu name especially refers to the Jackson ranch at mouth of Big Creek. (Bauman 1981:123/S47) Helena Quad 3 North Fork of the Trinity (C) W= wel waywaqat (salt north creek) C= 'ak'i 'atcaqha (salt creek) Stream entering Trinity at Helena. Sam-nah-ma, "a flat near the mouth of North Fork Trinity" said to be in Chimariko territory. Information from either Sally Noble or Zack Bussell (Letter, Harrington to Merriam, 10/15/1921, in Merriam 1967:227) Hyampom Quad 10 The old Humboldt trail west of French Gulch (C) W= phoyog bes yemer (head lies trail) C= hima'atce (where head lies) (Bauman 1981:128/W10) 11 The portion of the Humboldt trail passing along the ridge west of the South Fork Trinity River upriver of Cold Springs (same as above, dont count again) W=phoyog besyemer' (where the head lays trail) C= hima hatcuta hissa (trans.) hima = head; hisa = trail. (Bauman 1981:128/W11) 18 Site located on the South Fork of the Trinity River just above Oak Flat; Abe Bush's place; also used to refer to the whole South Fork Region. It is known to be a great meeting place and elk hunting ground. (?) W=wel ts'araw' wel = wag, move something long and thin. ts'araw=flat C= Samna 'ama (upcreek country according to Harrington.) Harrington lists another name as 'ak'itse (C) , meaning "salt Place" or Wel ts'araw' (W) meaning "salt flat." (Bauman, 1981:129/W18) 19 Abe Bush's lower place on west side of South Fork Trinity River, evidently Waldorff Flat (C) W= ts'iwilun siwili (lizards having a war) C= taktchel himimoyta (lizards having a war) (Bauman 1981:129/W19) 23 Known locally as Devil's Hole; a spot on South Fork Trinity River about 3/4 mile upriver of its confluence with Hayfork Creek. (C) W= kelel' holoq (long hole) C= hawem hitsu (long hole) (Bauman 1981:129/W23) 24 Falls in South Fork Trinity River upriver of Devil's Hole (C) W= doqosmodi (flint got away) C= qhaqho hino'ta q'aqo = arrow point; hu'want'a = going (Bauman 1981:129/W24) 26 This place name means, according to Harrington, "water grizzly bear hole." This is the name for a "series of caves on the South fork Trinity River evidently on wintoon Flat." (C) W= memwimay holoq mem = water; holoq = hole, cave wimay = grizzly bear (generic aspect) C= 'aqhan photsu hawata' ha'wa = mouth; a'q'a = water; p`otcu'= grizzly bear "Baskets and bows were found in the caves" (Bauman 1981:129/W26) 30 Area 2 miles east of Hyampom which includes several small ponds (C) W= lul buyaston' (many lakes) C= tcitaha hita (many lakes) tcitaha=pool (Bauman 1981:129/W30) 31 Grel Ranch on north bank of Butter Creek. (C) W= ts'araw wilikhi' (bare flat) C= maytca tolle (smooth flat) (Bauman 1981:129/W31) 35 Butter Creek (NC) W= sen puywaqat (digging stick east creek) [sen=digging stick] C= hatshewna'a 'atshaqha a'dz'aq'a = creek; hat's'ona'a = digger-pine (Bauman 1981:129/W35) 41 A small round pond off the Hyampom-Hayfork Road where road to Oak Flat leaves the highway; known locally as the Fish Pond, 1/4 mile northwest of k'ulem lul'(#29). (C) W= sasunkenharas (where the sun goes down C= 'alla hiwoqta (where the sun goes down) (Bauman 1981:130/W41) 43 The Foulks place, about 2 miles southeast of Hyampom formerly called Post Flat. The Wintu name is also given to Friend place on Plummer Creek. (Pickett Peak 2) (C) W= luruki' xetin ts'araw' (white potato flat) C= qhatchi meme'e (white potato) (Bauman 1981:130/W43 45 Falls in Hayfork Creek approximately 2 miles upriver of confluence with south fork Trinity river. (NC) W= dubet tc'aqhi' (roots falls) C= haxatutse (salmon milt) (Bauman 1981:130/W45) The name may refer to "milt of a male salmon" (based on Harrington's field notes, in Bauman 1980:20) 48 The name for this place means "above the falls." (?) W= tc'aqhipanti' [panti= on top, over] C= ts'utamta hima'atse hima = head; atse = place [what is ts'utamta?] According to Harrington this is an "old village site" at Walker Goe's place on Hayfork Road upslope of dubet tc'aqhi' (#45) about 2 miles east of Hyampom. (Bauman 1981:130/W48) 49 Grassy Flats (this appears to be a borrowing) (B) W= phakotse' ts'araw (no meaning) caraw = flat C= paxkhotse maytca maytsa = flat (Bauman 1981:130/W49) "Grassy Flat about 5 miles south east of Hyampom on the Hay Fork Trail" (based on Harrington's field notes, in Bauman 1980a:21) 50 Schweitzer Ford (?) W= sen tchupus (digging stick ford) C= hutcew hutcemta [check this out] Located in Hayfork Creek upstream of Hyampom (Bauman 1981:130/W50) 51 An "old Indian camping ground where elders used to instruct younger people." It is located, according to Harrington, on the south bank Hayfork Creek approximately 1/2 mile upstream from the falls. It is accessible by a trail from the Hayfork highway. (?) W= tc'akipanti ts'araw' C= tcutamte hima'tse (Bauman 1981:130/W51) 53 Bluff on north edge of Hayfork Ck. in the immediate vicinity of dubet tc'aqhi' (#45). (C) W= tchuburi khopol' (rock rolling down hole) C= tc'upu xutta (rock dropping in water and making a noise) (Bauman 1981:131/W53) 59 An unnamed peak north of Hayfork Ck., just downriver from the mouth of Miner's Creek. (NC) W= buli'olelas buli = mountain; ole = high C= 'awu hitshu a'wu = mountain; hitsut = long (Bauman 1981:131/W59) 62 The Gates place on lower Gates Creek. (C) W= tc'araw' buyaspom' (lots of flats) C= maytra hita (lots of flats) Harrington indicates as the presumable eastern limit of Chimariko control. (Bauman 1981:131/W62) 63 Hinkley Flat (C) W= bohem ts'araw (big flat) C= maytca tcewu maytsa = flat; dje'wo = big A large flat on the north side of the South fork Trinity River between the mouths of Kerlin Creek and Pelletreau Creek. (Bauman 1981:131/W63.) 66 Hyampom Valley (NC) but Bauman says that Wintu name means Chimariko land. W= xayinpom C= maytsa (flat) (Bauman 1981:131/W66) 67 A swamp on the old Combs place on highway about 1 mile east of the confluence of Hayfork Ck. and South Fork Trinity River. (C) W= wotcon k'apas (jaybird got caught in a trap) C= tc'okokohtcey sita (jaybird got caught in a trap) (Bauman 1981:131/W67) 68 Old Kerlin place (according to Harrington), approximately 1/2 mile up Kerlin Ck., named for a "sacred or luck giving rock at this place." (C) W= tc'ilunbes ts'araw cil = bear C= tcisamra hatcuta tc`e'samra = bear Meaning of this name is bear lying down flat. (Bauman 1981:131/W68) 69 Kerlin Creek (C) W= tc'ilunbes ts'araw' waqat or pom l'uruqi' waqat (white earth creek) C= 'amamene 'atsuqha (white earth creek) (Bauman 1981:132/W69) 70 Pelletreau Creek (NC) W= memts'alalas waqat (clear creek) or ts'arug 'uyuli waqat (sour grass creek) C= hitsuwilye (swift place) (Bauman 1981:132/W70) 71 A bluff on the south side of South fork Trinity River where the Hyampom Guard Station is located. (C) W= pom luruqi' (white earth) C= 'amamene (white earth) Site of a prominent deer lick. (Bauman 1981:132/W71) 72 The small high peak at the upriver end of pom l'uruqhi' (#71) across the river from Hyampom (C) W= winthun huyukhiton (Indian whistles rock) C= ts'imar hoxulla (somebody's whistle) (Bauman 1981:132/W72) 73 Bill Garrett, Jr., ranch north of the South Fork Trinity River opposite the mouth of Kerlin Ck. (NC) W= waydal ts'oho' (north running place) C= hits'ukinay (water running) The name refers to a slough which winds down to the river from Young Gulch; the slough was the former river bed previous to 1878. (Bauman 1981:132/W73) 74 A waterhole in the former channel of South Fork Trinity River at the foot of the hill 1/2 mile from Bill Garrett, Jr. place. (C) W= tc'enis khopol (shit waterhole) C= 'apxan tcitaha (shit pool) (Bauman 1981:132/W74) 75 A point on the ridge halfway up to Humboldt Trail on Southfork Mtn. from mouth of Pelletreau Ck.; evidently on Pelletrau Ridge. (NC) W= tirmenas khalay' (belted gap) C= sa'amatatce (creased place) (Bauman 1981:132/W75) 76 Pelletreau Ridge trail (NC) W= tirmenas yemer' (belted trail) C= hissatilla hisa = trail; ti'la = birds (Bauman 1981:132/W76) 77 Pelletreau Ridge (NC) W= memwenem buliphuyuq buliphuyuq = Mount Shasta mem = water, river; wenemmem = McCloud River C= 'aqhamenem 'awn (island mountain) (Bauman 1981:132/W77) 78 The small hill immediately north of the South Fork Trinity River confluence adjacent to Hyampom bridge. (?) W= sis puysono' or sos puysono' (water ouzel east hill) C= tcisillatce (look this up) (Bauman 1981:132/W78) 79 Site of an important Indian cemetary. (C) W= qharupuri ts'araw'(knock it along with a stick flat) C= hakmutatce maytca (knock it along with a stick flat) According to Harrington, "alarge forty acre flat east of the confluence of the South Fork Trinity R. and Hayfork Ck. The name is evidently in reference to the stick or shinney game having been played at this spot in ancient times." (Bauman 1981:132/W79) 80 Ridge running north east of Hinkley Flat between Olssen Ck. and Young Gulch. (C) W= penel phuyuq (blackoak mtn.) C= munen 'awu (black oak mtn.) Site of a wild raspberry patch. (Bauman 1981:132/W80) 83 Will Olsen's hayfield located on the north side of the Southfork Trinity River about 1/2 mile downstream of its confluence with Hayfork Creek. (?) W= pomthudidi' ts'araw (thunder ground flat) C= 'ama qhinitco'tce (Bauman 1981:133/W83) 84 Will Olsen's place, approximately 1/2 mile up from the mouth of Olsen Ck. (C) W= 'al ts'araw' (crow flat) C= wa'wayra 'atce (crow) (Bauman 1981:133/W84) 85 Site of a large sweathouse. (?) W= lutton'("there's a sweathouse" according to Harrington) C= hattatce Located a half mile northeast of Olsen's place (#84), approximately one-half mile up from the mouth of Olsen's Creek. Meetings and councils were held here. (Bauman 1981:133/W85) 86 The Treat place about 2 1/2 miles north of Hyampom post office. (NC) W= phaykenti (like a basin) C= tchurin 'atse sumu or tchurin?atse (at the foot of manzanita mountain) (Bauman 1981:133/W86) 87 Rock on the Old Trinity R. trail from Hyampom, approx. 1 mile east of the Treat place (#86). (C) W= leleson' qewel' (mouse rock house) C= p'usur qha'anwa (mouse rock house) (Bauman 1981:133/W87) "Approximately 2 1/2 miles north of Hyampom on the Trinity trail" (based on Harrington's field notes, in Bauman 1980a:21) 88 Confluence of Hayfork Ck.and South Fork Trinity R. (?) W= kholup'uri' C= hatsukhitsi (Bauman 1981:133/W88) 90 A small flat located at the very downriver corner of Hinkley Flat (#63). (?) W= kupas ts'araw' (chokecherry flat) C= paxxan'atce maytsa = flat (Bauman 1981:133/W90) "Hinkley's field about 1 1/2 miles down river of Hyampom" (based on Harrington's field notes in Bauman 1980a:21). 92 Eltapom Creek area (C) W= 'eltipom' (back country) C= numna 'ama (back country) Includes especially the Ray Gorley place. (Bauman 1981:133/W92). 93 Chaparral Mountain (NC) W= tc'ilp'aqas waytoror (bearskin stiff north ridge) C= tchisamra 'awu tc'e'samra = bear; a'wu = mountain (Bauman 1981:133/W93) photc'imi hitcimu, translates in part as "bearskin" (from Harrington's field notes, in Bauman 1980a:17) 95 The long ridge separating Corral Bottom from Hyampom Valley; evidently the divide between Corral Creek and Olsen Creek. (C) W= tc'ilp'aqas (stretched bear skin) C= photc'imi (bearskin) (Bauman 1981:133/W95) 100 A place on South Fork Trinity R. about 200 yards upstream of mouth of Eltapom Creek. (NC) W= phili' pili = white bunch grass C= sirin'alla alla = moon, sun (Bauman 1981:134/W100) 101 Ray Trimbel place on south side of South Fork Trinity R. about 1/2 mile below the Hayfork Ck. confluence. (C) W= ts'aruq 'uyuli' ts'araw' (sour grass flat) C= kotchu k'oyo'i (sour clover) (Bauman 1981:134/W101) 103 A rock 150 ft. high on the south side of South Fork Trinity R. about 1/2 mile upriver of eltapom Ck. (C) W= son 'olelas (tall rock) C= qha'a hitsu'tse (tall rock place) An important fishing spot. (Bauman 1981:134/W103) 104 Big Creek (C) W= son 'olelas norwaqat (big rock south creek) C= qha'a hitsu'tse 'atsaqha (big rock creek) (Bauman 1981:134/W104) 105 A rock on east side of South Fork Trinity R. just upriver of Big Rock pool (#103). (C) W= son memin t'udi' (round water rock) C= qha'a hitsuk norkhute (round rock projecting in the river) A fishing spot where poison was used. (Bauman 1981:134/W105) 106 A deep fishing hole in the South Fork Trinity R. at the mouth of Eltapom Ck. (cf. 97, 98) (C) W= teleq 'ilav' (big basket place) C= puqhentsa 'atse (big basket place) (Bauman 1981:134/W106) 107 Garratt Ranch (C) W= xyetin qhaqhi' (gray potato) C= qhatci setce'i (blue potato); Located on the west bank of the South Fork Trinity R. just downriver of the mouth of Big Creek. (Bauman1981:134/W107) 108 Site of a large driftwood pile immediately upriver of Bill Garrett, Sr. place at mouth of Big Creek.(C) W= tc'uspat khidi' (wood sticking out) C= pusuwa hisutpi (wood sticking out) Formerly a large fishing hole; scene of a confrontation between Hyampom Indians and Yuki Indians. (Bauman 1981:134/W108) 111 Ridge running between Corral Bottom and Taylor's Flat; evidently Monument Peak ridge. (C) W= ts'aruqhi phuyuq (green mountain) C= 'aqu himamsu'tse (green mountain) (Bauman 1981:134/W111) 114 Corral Bottom (C) W= pantilok pom (flat on top ground) C= wits'atman 'ama (on top land) Particularly the long flat directly north of Pattison Peak. (Bauman 1981:134/W114) 116 Creek at Big Bar which enters the Trinity from the south; evidently Price Creek. (NC) W= tiltil norwaqat (ringing sound south creek) C= tiltil 'atsuqha (fishhawk creek) (Bauman 1981:135/W116) 119 Cox Bar (NC) W= thudi' or thudidi pom' (ponding place) C= hitcheqhut (deerlick at edge of water) William Patterson place on south bank of Trinity River opposite Big Bar. (Bauman 1981:135/W119) 121 Underwood Mountain (C) W= t'atas phuyuq (storage basket mountain) C= sasatcin (storage basket place) Evidently outside the hunting area of the Hyampom Indians. (Bauman 1981:135/W121) 122 Place on the Eltapom Ck. trail. (C) W= pat yemer' (outside trail) C= hissatpi (outside trail) Place located approximately 2 miles upcreek from the mouth of Eltapom Ck. and downslope from a swampy spot known locally as Mud Lake. (Bauman 1981:135/W122) 123 A point on the old Indian trail over Hyampom Mtn. just where the trail begins its descent into Corral Bottom. (Bauman 1981:135/W123) (?) W = tc'ilp'aqas 'olphuyuq C = photc'imi hitcimu Ironside Quad 2 The Green or Hennessey place on the Trinity just above the mouth of the New River. (Harrington) (C) W= phoyoq wineston (he looks at the head) C= hima' hitchuktatce (not mapped) ("head is lying there" based on Harrington's field notes, in Bauman 1989:14-15) According to Harrington, hima'isuktatce means "shaking head." This is the site of prominent medicine rock facing Ironside Mtn. It is on the George Green place on the south side of the Trinity River above the mouth of the New River (Bauman 1981:126/V2). 9 Ironsides Mountain (B or C?) W= tculita phuyuq culul = black; phuyuq = mountain C= tcalita 'awu or tsali'na tc'e'lei = black; a'wu = mountain (Bauman 1981:126/V9) Ironsides Mtn. (C) ?awu te'ta "to whose top the first people made pilgrimages when they got old and where they would pray and descend young again. Ironsides Mtn. is also called calita ?awu as well as waywoli which is said to be the old Chimariko language name" (Based on Harrington's field notes, 1921-1928, in Silver 1978:205) a-woo-treh-dah means "great mountain" (Letter, Harrington to Merriam, 1921, based on information from Sally Noble. [Merriam 1967:226]) tcalita (based on Harrington's field work with abe Bush, in Bauman 1980a:14). 12 Del Loma (C) W= boloy xerel' (manzanita deserted place) C= chichanma or tsitsahanatse (manzanita place) Formerly called Taylor's Flat (Bauman 1981:126/V12) Taylor Flat/French Ck. (C). "tshitshanma-- Taylor Flat, literally 'manzanita place'" (based on Harrington's field notes, in Bauman 1980:17) cica-nma (from Harrington's field notes 1921-28, in Silver 1978a:207). Tcitca'nma, village location (Dixon 1910a:297) chichanma (Kroeber 1925:110) che-chan- mah, is a village at Taylor Flat on main Trinity River (Merriam 1976:127). "sikori...possibly French Creek near Del Loma (Taylor's Flat) though this was apparently only a guess by Abe Bush" (based on Harrington's field notes, in Bauman 1980a:19) Pickett Peak Quad 2 The Friend place on Plummer Ck., presumably near Friend Lake. (NC) W= luruki' xetin ts'araw' (white potato flat) C= xawiy 'amay [qhatci setce'i = blue potato] (Bauman 1981:137/X2) 9 Mad River (C) W= xili waqat (fly stream) C= musotci 'atchaqha (fly stream) (Bauman 1981:137/X9) Pilot Creek Quad 1 Knudsen place on South Fork Trinity R. approxiamtely 4 miles downriver of Hyampom near Monroe Ck. (C) W= howoldilis (driftwood falling down) C= hak'imtatce (floating down place) (Bauman 1981:139/Z1) "...a spot in the South Fork River about 4 miles dowmriver of Hyampom." (based on Harrington's field notes, in Bauman 1980a). 4 Place on west side of South Fork Trinity River just upriver from the Knudsen place at the falls at the mouth of Slide Ck. (C) W= pom bolili' (soft ground) C= 'ama lawitco'tce 'ama = country; larat(?) = it is soft (Bauman 1981:139/Z4) 5 A spring in the timber, off the top of Southfork Mtn. near the Humboldt trail turn off to Hyampom; evidently Doe Spring. (?) W= mempat holoqhas (water running out of a hole) C= 'aha lawitpi aq'a = water (Bauman 1981:139/Z5) 7 A hole in the South Fork Trinity R. just upriver of Monroe Ck. (C) W= sulahay khopol' (poison laurel pool) C= tchelin'an tchitaha (poison laurel pool) (Bauman 1981:139/Z7) 8 Mountain west of the Sam Young place in Hyampom Valley; evidently Blake Mtn.; known locally as Bald Mtn. (NC) W= tedi phuyuq (red mountain) C= 'awu yetsxoltchey (madrone mtn.) (Bauman 1981:139/Z8) 9 Southfork Mountain (NC) W= torokhelas (long ridge) C= hatcim tceyta (great ridge) (Bauman 1981:/139Z9) 10 Formerly the Underwood place on Panther Ck. near its confluence with the South Fork Trinity R.; referred to as the Graham place. (C) W= ts'araw 'ilay (many flats) C= maytca 'uleyta or maytcalla (many flats) "...the Underwood place about 10 miles downstream of Hyampom on the South Fork River." May translate as "little flat" (Based on Harrongton's field notes, in Bauman 1980a:20) 12 Big opening on Southfork Mtn. near Blake Mtn. lookout. (C) W= ts'aruqi norel sawal' (green south wet spot) C= sitahumamsu'tse himamsu = green; atse = place (Bauman 1981:139/Z10) 13 A flat about 1/2 mile up Grouse Ck. from its mouth.(C) W= 'elxelehas pom' (closed up place) C= hitcikyan'ama (closed up place) It is located on the west side of Grouse Ck. and marked by a white rock shaped like a stump. An acorn gathering place. (Bauman 1981:139/Z13) 15 Cold Springs (?) W= k'ow tchusmem' C= 'apun'a 'aqh a 'aqha = water On Southfork Mtn. (Bauman 1981:139/Z15) Shasta Quad 2 Mount Shasta (NC) W= Bohem Puyuk (Bulim Puyuik; Bullem Pie- yuke); waydal buli C= 'awu tsewu (big mountain) Referred to by Olmsted and Stewart (1978:226, Map) as "power place" (no further information in text). waydal buli' (north peak) is the Wintu name for Mt. Shasta according to Harrington (Bauman 1981:40/D2). 'awu tsewu is the Chimariko name. According to Masson, Mount Shasta is referred to by Wintu as Bohem Puyuik. This means high peak (Masson 1966:28, 92) Schlichter (1967:9) refers to the mountain as Bulim phuyuq phuyuq. According to the Southern Papers (n.d.) the mountain is called Bullem- Pie-yuke. Weaverville Quad 11 Douglas City (?) W= waltilabalqhol' (north side confluence) C= xunoytc'ani 'ama (Bauman 1981:113/P11) 28 Weaverville (C) W= 'eltipom' (back country) C= numna 'ama (back country) or xo'raktn (xo'ra, owl sp.) (Bauman 1981:114/P28) Willow Quad 1 The South Fork of Trinity River presumably near its mouth.(C) W= qhorepure' (forks) C= hatsukitse (forks) (Bauman 1981:138/Y1) 2 Sandy Bar (C) W= mukhumeston muk = cover C= ha'umkitatce (covered up place) Located on South Fork of Trinity River above Salyer (Bauman 1981:138/Y2) 3 The Campbell place; 1 1/2 miles from Salyer north of Trinity R. in vicinity of Quinby Ck. (C) W= ts'aruqahas pom {greens= c'aruq] C= himamsu'tse (green place) (Bauman 1981:138/Y3) 4 Grouse Mountain (C) W= tc'uptc'ubukhus phuyuq (chipmonk mountain)_ C=wisillan 'awu (chipmonk mountain) (Bauman 1981:138/Y4)